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Hillary Clinton's Fatal Vices

Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair dissect HRC in her White House years and conclude their series on the woman who may be the next president. PLUS Eva Liddell on the man who really set the course of the Bush presidency PLUS Andy Worthington on the battle for the rights of the Guantanamo detainees PLUS Debbie Nathan on what the border crackdown has done to the women crossing the Rio Grande. Get your copy today by subscribing online or calling 1-800-840-3683 Remember contributions to CounterPunch are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now

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Today's Stories

September 7, 2007

Robert Fantina
Those Iraq Reports: Bush vs. Reality

September 6, 2007

Kathleen and Bill Christison
Bush, Iran and Israel's Hidden Hand

Allan J. Lichtman
When General Petraeus Speaks, Don't Listen ...

Norman Solomon
The Secret Addiction of Thomas Friedman

Yifat Susskind
Hurricane Felix's First Responders: Courage and Tragedy on the Miskito Coast

Catherine Fenton
Why I Am Going to the Protest

Laura Santina
Can the War Machine be Contained?

Farzana Versey
Fission Kashmir

Yves Engler
Haiti: Where a Wage of $2 a Day is Too Much for the Lords of Industry to Pay

Kelly Overton
Bang Bang; Shoot Shoot: Is Hunting Racist?

Michael Simmons
One Jew's Views: The Strange Genius of Drew Friedman and Kominsky Crumb

Website of the Day
Dams and Genocide in Guatemala

 

 

September 5, 2007

Stan Goff
The End Begins

Michael Dickinson
Working for Mother Teresa: Memoirs of a Rebellious Volunteer

Matthew Abraham
Standing Firm with Norman Finkelstein and DePaul's Heroic Students: a Defining Moment

Patrick Cockburn
The Basra Debacle

Dave Lindorff
Beware the Wounded Beast

Paul Craig Roberts
Who Are the Fanatics?

Clifton Ross
Ecuador and the Struggle for Latin American Unity

Elizabeth Schulte
Katrina's Forgotten Refugees

Joseph Grosso
Labor Day in New York City

Ben Terrall
Where's Nancy? On Trying to Protest Pelosi in San Francisco

Website of the Day
A Guide to Narco Dollars

 

September 4, 2007

Jean Bricmont
Why Bush Can Get Away with Attacking Iran

Patrick Cockburn
Cut and Run in Iraq

Ron Jacobs
The Haditha Massacre: Spinning a War Crime

Tom Kerr
Buried Alive on San Quentin's Death Row

Gary Leupp
The Case of Jose Maria Sison

Sonja Karkar
The Weeping Olive Trees of Palestine

Heather Gray
The Best and Worst of America: 9/11, Joseph Lowery and the Lethal Silence of Billy Graham

Fidel Castro
The Super-Revolutionaries

Jackie Corr
Home Depot Comes to Butte--Begging Bowl in Hand

Sunsara Taylor
Katrina and the Progress of the System

Website of the Day
Colombia Journal

 

September 3, 2007

Patrick Cockburn
Brits Flee from Basra

Eamon McCann
Qana, Derry: The Dead Lie in Familiar Shapes

Joshua Frank
The End of the Green Party?

Chris Floyd
Post-Mortem America: Bush's Year of Triumph

Marjorie Cohn
A Look at Bush's Iran War Plans

Walter Brasch
The News Drones: How Fake Photos Helped Lead the US to War in Iraq

Matt Reichel
Redefining the American Dream

Website of the Day
Don't Get Fooled Again

 

September 1 / 2, 2007

Alexander Cockburn
Entrapment Snares Larry Craig

Andy Worthington
Britain's Guantánamo

Saul Landau
The Tragic Ordeal of the Cuban Five

David Keen
An Occident Waiting to Happen: Intellectuals and the War on Terror

Patrick Cockburn
The Collapse of Iraq's Health Care Services

Diana Johnstone
Back in Uncle Sam's Pocket

George Longstreth, MD
& Karen Longstreth, RN
The Sorrows of Occupation: Life in the West Bank

Linda M. Woolf
A Sad Day for Psychologists--a Sadder Day for Human Rights

Ralph Nader
Wrapping the World with Advertising

Fred Gardner
The Trial of Mollie Fry, MD

Ben Tripp
Enquiry in America Today

David Michael Green
American Indigestion: Why Bush Governs from the Gut

Missy Comley Beattie
Looking for Love in All the Wrong Places: What the GOP Hasn't Learned About Tolerance

Michael Dickinson
Who's Cheating: Remembering Princess Diana

Paul Krassner
Assholes of the Week: From Larry Craig to Wesley Clark

Ron Jacobs
A Sports Nation of Millions

Poets' Basement
Buknatski, Davies and Mickey Z

 

August 31, 2007

Jeff Gibbs
Why I Am Not Going to the Protest

Paul Craig Roberts
The War Criminal in the Living Room

Ray McGovern
Do We Have the Courage to Stop War with Iran?

Robert Weissman
The Benchmarks Iraq is Missing

Matt Vidal
Subprime Lending and Shady Mortgages

Robin Mittenthal
The Biofuels Trap

Chris Kutalik
Auto Makers Push Health Care Trust Solution for Industry in Crisis

Richard Forno
Watching Freedom's Watch

Binoy Kampmark
Dianified

Dave Zirin
Kenneth Foster Lives

Website of the Day
Free the Jena 6

 

August 30, 2007

Gary Leupp
Larry Craig on the Seat

John Ross
Dead Forest Defenders

Anthony DiMaggio
Arabic as a Terrorist Language: the Right-Wing Assault on the Gibran Academy

Jordan Flaherty
Racism and Criminal Justice in New Orleans

Michael Donnelly
The Sierra Club Greenwashes Al Gore (and Desecrates John Muir)

Russell Mokhiber
Whiskey is for Drinking, Water is for Fighting

Dennis Brutus
and Patrick Bond
Global Financial Apartheid

William S. Lind
The Truth Tellers

Martha Rosenberg
They Call Him Dr. Cruel

Jeff Leys / Brian Terrell
Seasons of Discontent: a Presidential Occupation Project

Website of the Day
Bragg: "Old Clash Fan Fight Song"


August 29, 2007

Patrick Cockburn
Maliki and The Mass Shia Pilgrimage to Kerbala

Winslow T. Wheeler
The Costs of the Afghanistan War

David Rosen
The GOP's Outed All-Stars: The Forced Freeing of Gay Men from the Republican Closet

Dave Zirin
Confronting Katrina

Paul Craig Roberts
More Shame, More Sorrow

Diane Farsetta
Christie Todd Whitman's Nuclear Spinning Wheel

Ben Davis
Who Won't Stand Up for Kenneth Foster?: Charles Rangel, For One

Alan Farago
The Housing Crisis and the Environment

Jenna Orkin
Echoes of 9/11: Another Fire at Ground Zero

Don Monkerud
The Vanishing American Vacation

Richard Nasser
Surfing Gaza: More Uplifting News from NPR

Website of the Day
Don't Sleep on the Struggle

 

August 28, 2007

Uri Avnery
The Language of Force

Bill Quigley
Katrina, Two Years Later

Joshua Frank
The Fight to Save the Rocky Mountains

China Hand
"I am Alden Pyle:" Bush's Vietnam Fantasy

Firmin DeBrabander
Drug Wars: From Afghanistan to Baltimore

Charles Peña
Nuclear Fear Factor

Andy Worthington
Good Riddance, Gonzales

Ramzy Baroud
Abbas and the Abyss

Anthony Papa
Roger Stone's New Patsy

Ashley Smith
Drawing the Line at Kennebunkport

Website of the Day
B is for Bomb


August 27, 2007

Jorge Mariscal
The General Reports

Bill Christison
Why the US and Israel Should Lose Middle East Wars

Manuel Garcia, Jr.
911 Emergency! Calling Robert Fisk!: You are Now Entering a Black Hole

Anthony DiMaggio
Chronicle of a Coup Foretold?: Bush, al-Maliki and the Press

Bruce A. Roth
India and the New Nuclear Era

John Walsh
Abe Foxman's Genocide Denial Roadshow, Part 2

Dave Lindorff
Gonzo's Gone

Ron Jacobs
Taking It to the Streets

Binoy Kampmark
Poshed Up: Why the Beckhams Should Go Back to Brighty

Russell D. Hoffman
My Favorite Scientist: John Gofman, Bane of the Nuclear Industry

Website of the Day
George W. Told the Nation

 

 

 


 

 

 

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September 7, 2007

Bush vs. Reality

Those Iraq Reports

By ROBERT FANTINA

It appears that President Bush has found a way to dismiss the dismal reports about Iraq, due to be issued by the General Accounting Office within a matter of days. White House deputy press secretary Dana Perino explained it all: "A bar was set so high, that it was almost not to be able to be met."

Grammatical criticisms aside, that statement seems to open the door for Mr. Bush to discount the reports that Congress required and continue with his disastrous 'stay the course' policy in Iraq. The report is just that: information about Iraq's progress toward pre-set benchmarks. It is intended to assist Congress in directing U.S. involvement in the war, but there is nothing in it that mandates any action. Mr. Bush can read it or not, and is certainly free to ignore it. One fears that that is exactly what he plans to do.

The objections that Mr. Bush has begun to raise include the fact that the benchmarks are, in essence, 'pass-fail' grades: either they have been met, or they have not. The president says that they do not allow for any demonstration of progress.

A benchmark is an achieved milestone: either it has or hasn't been accomplished. If 90% of the steps required to achieve a particular benchmark have been accomplished, that benchmark has not been met. One of the preset benchmarks was passage of a law concerning use of Iraq's oil; that law has not been passed. It does not matter how much debate has been held, how many drafts of such a law have been written, or even if some of the diverse and disagreeing groups have begun to move toward consensus. The benchmark is passage of the law; that has not been achieved, so the benchmark has not been met.

Because of this inherent quality of benchmarks, Mr. Bush appears dubious about the report, even before it is issued. An internal White House memo says that the GAO report will not present a true picture of conditions in Iraq. It further states that the established standards (benchmarks) were "designed to lock in failure."

The various benchmarks were established for a reason: they have been deemed necessary steps toward achieving peace in Iraq and there was a desire and expectation that they could and would be met in time to be included in the long-planned and anticipated September report. If Mr. Bush felt they were 'designed to lock in failure,' he could have raised that objection before this point. That he is doing so now is disingenuous.

In a pre-emptive move of his own, the president went to Iraq to personally assess the war. This supposedly dramatic visit will, he seems to hope, deflate the already weak Democratic Congress when it gets the report. That the spineless Democrats can be any further weakened is unlikely; they will probably read the report, make a wide variety of statements decrying the continuing loss of U.S. and Iraqi life, express fury over the millions of people displaced by America's imperial war of choice, and then vote for whatever war funding Mr. Bush requests, all in the name of 'supporting the troops.' They will then, by some inexplicable logic, point to it all as a victory.

Mr. Bush further attempted to pre-empt any possible Congressional calls for real action in Iraq (sorry, Mr. Kucinich; it seems no one is listening), by saying that troop cuts are possible at some point in the future. This apparently is dependent on whether or not security in Iraq improves. Hopefully no one thinks this is anything new. Mr. Bush has said all along that once security improves to some undefined level, and when Iraqi forces can maintain it, U.S. troops can start coming home. He apparently wants security levels in Iraq to be what they were before his war. Iraqi citizens should be able, at a bare minimum, to live in their houses without fear of foreign soldiers breaking in. Mr. Bush seems to miss the fact that the people of Iraq will not be safe in their homes until U.S. soldiers go home. It is their presence that is keeping security levels so low.

Proponents of the president's escalation policies will proudly point out the fact that in some areas where thousands of U.S. soldiers have been added, the death rate for Iraq's people has dropped. They do not look at the cost to the people of Iraq: a foreign nation occupying their country, with free access to their homes at any time of the day or night; millions of people fleeing their homes in numbers that have increased dramatically since the much-vaunted 'surge;' limited or no electricity or running water. This, according to Mr. Bush, is what liberation is all about.

The president, while making the most of his photo-op in Iraq, said this: "[W]hen we begin to draw down troops from Iraq, it will be from a position of strength and success, not from a position of fear and failure." High sounding words, indeed, but like much of what is uttered by Mr. Bush, they are without reasonable meaning. A 'position of strength' can only be interpreted as additional U.S. soldiers occupying America's newest colony. The president has never realistically defined 'Success;' his desire to force Iraq to follow a democratic model that the Iraqi people have never expressed an interest in can hardly be described as success. "Fear" describes the condition the Iraqi people have lived in since the U.S. invasion. Certainly there was fear of Saddam Hussein, but his atrocities pale in comparison to the constant random violence that has wracked Iraq since the American invasion. Mr. Bush seems to see failure as the inability to break Iraq's people and subjugate them to America's oil lust.

Last spring, when the Democratic-controlled Congress first caved into White House rhetoric about 'supporting the troops,' its members looked to the September report as the defining moment for war funding. Even many Republicans, hesitant then to oppose Mr. Bush, said that progress must be shown by September or some action must be taken. It will be interesting to see what happens next. Who among the Democrats will actually oppose continuing the war by voting against funding? Who will simply continue spouting empty words and meaningless phrases, and then ensure that dedicated U.S. soldiers and victimized Iraqi citizens will continue to be fed into the meat grinder of this war? Which Republicans will either recognize that hitching their wagon to the falling star of Mr. Bush's war policies is a career disaster, or will see that the Iraqi people must be allowed to resolve their issues by themselves, and vote against further funding? Which will continue to blather on about 'victory' without ever defining, much less understanding, what that means?

No one with any knowledge of the situation in, and history of, Iraq can feel any optimism that the civil war there will not continue with horrifically tragic consequences for an extended period of time. This situation was caused by Mr. Bush's imperial designs on that nation, but it cannot be ended by the U.S. without a level of carnage not seen in generations. The withdrawal of U.S. soldiers, as quickly as can be safely accomplished, will be a major step toward ending the war. It will allow the Iraq people to determine their own course, whether that results in the partitioning of the country, or some kind of unified government. Whatever the outcome, it must belong to the citizens of Iraq. The alternative is a long, deadly war, that will only end when the people of Iraq, with tremendous loss of life, finally submit to America's designs for them. This will increase the threat to the U.S. from Iraq's neighbors who will have watched Iraq's demise at the hands of Mr. Bush. Their desire to avoid the same fate may result in them using the president's own model of 'pre-emption,' with tragic consequences. The result of the successful conquest by the U.S. of Iraq will cause wounds to the world that will take decades to heal.

Because of this, Congress must heed the words of the forthcoming Petraeus report, even as Mr. Bush dismisses, or gives some bizarre interpretation, to them. It must be remembered that, following the 2006 elections when the American voters demanded a change, the president announced his 'new way forward:' escalation of the war. More of the same was to be something new. The members of Congress on both sides of the aisle must put aside partisan considerations and do what is best for the United States, Iraq and the world. A new way forward is indeed needed, one that takes U.S. soldiers out of a civil war zone as quickly as possible.

Robert Fantina is author of 'Desertion and the American Soldier: 1776--2006.'





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