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Read Cockburn and St. Clair's Whiteout: the CIA, Drugs and the Press and discover how the CIA gave a helping hand to the opium lords who took over Afghanistan, thus ushering the Taliban into power.


CounterPunch: Complete Coverage of 9/11 and the War on Afghanistan

New Print Edition of CounterPunch Published December 20: Catherine Campbell on public health agents acting as police; JoAnn Wypijewski on big labor in Las Vegas; and a profile of Rodrigo Villamizar, Bush's crooked Colombian pal. Subscribe Now!

January 4, 2002

Jordan Green
What's Changed in New York

January 3, 2002

Walt Brasch
Exit Cheney, Enter Ridge

Mokhiber and Weissman
The 10 Worst Corporations
of 2001

Robert Hunter Wade
America's Empire Rules an Unbalanced World

Shahid Alam
Is There an Islamic Problem?

January 2, 2002

Ross Regnart
Patriot Act Redefines the Mob as "Terrorist Associates"

John Chuckman
The Republicans' Secret Plan X

David Vest
Turn, Turn, Turn

January 1, 2002

Kathy Kelly
Iraq's New Year

December 31, 2001

John Absood
An Alternative to War in Iraq

Ramzi Kysia
Iraq Goes Radioactive

December 28, 2001

John Chuckman
Observing George Bush

Suren Pillay
Civilian Bodies

Aaron Lehmer
Inviting Future Terrorism

December 27, 2001

Patrick McNamara
Palestinian Children Bear Brunt of Mideast Violence

Nelson Valdés
A Possible Scenario on the Location of bin Laden

Jensen and Mahajan
Remember the Afghan Dead

Philip Farruggio
A New Year's Resolution

Ramzi Kysia
The People of the Valley

December 26, 2001

John Chuckman
In Praise of the Unspeakable

Sam Bahour
2002: Year of the Twos

December 25, 2001

Jennifer Loewenstein
Israel's Human Rights Record

December 24, 2001

Sam Bahour
It Happened One Morning

Yair Khilou
Why I Resisted Being Drafted into the Israeli Army

Michael Chisari
War as Diversionary Tactic

Cockburn/St. Clair
Enron and the Green Seal

December 21, 2001

Tom Turnipseed
War Good for Bush

John Chuckman
The First Victim in the
War on Terror

December 20, 2001

Lawrence McGuire
Killing Other People's Children

Miriam Rozen
Foundation Without Representation?

Kenneth Roth
A Letter to Rumsfeld on
Military Tribunals

William Blum
Casualties: Theirs and Ours

December 19, 2001

Marjorie Cohn
Don't Pre-Judge John Walker

Sam Bahour
Palestine and You

 


A Photographic Journal of Life in an Afghan Refugee Camp
By Judith Mann

Resources:
100s of Links About 9/11


CounterPunch:
Complete Coverage of 9/11 and Its Aftermath


Five Days That
Shook The World:
Seattle and Beyond

By Alexander Cockburn
and Jeffrey St. Clair
Photos by Allan Sekula

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Published Oct. 15, 2001

8-Page Special Issue

War Diary

CIA's Assassination Plan a History of Torture in US Prisons

bin Laden and Bush Business Connections

Aisha Ikramuddin on the Hidden Hype of US Food Bombs

Peter Linebaugh on Pakistan

Christopher Hitchens' Love for Mrs. Thatcher

Jiang Zemin Tells Bush:
Nuke 'Em


Search CounterPunch

Read Whiteout and Find Out How the CIA's Backing of the Mujahideen Created the World's Most Robust Heroin Market and Helped to Finance the Rise of the Taliban and Osama bin Laden

Whiteout:
CIA, Drugs & the Press

by Alexander Cockburn
and Jeffrey St. Clair

The Memphis Blues Again:
Six Decades of Memphis Music Photographs
Photos by Ernest Withers
Text by Daniel Wolff

The New Intifada:
Resisting Israel's Apartheid

Edited by Roane Carey

A Pocket Guide to
Environmental Bad Guys
by James Ridgeway
and Jeffrey St. Clair

The Phoenix Program
by Douglas Valentine

Al Gore:
A User's Manual
by Cockburn
and St. Clair

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Reviews of Gore:
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Private Warriors
by Ken Silverstein

CounterPunch's Booktalk

January 4, 2002

Anti-War = Anti-Globalization

By C.G. Estabrook

Not the least of the services that the September 11 attackers rendered to the Bush administration (and the business interests that back it) was to provide a basis for propaganda against the anti-globalization movement. From the point of view of Bush and his backers, the anti-globalization movement was a serious threat, but after September 11, US government propaganda could associate it with terrorism. The point was made explicit by the transfer of this month's meeting of the World Economic Forum from its accustomed place in Davos, Switzerland, to New York City. It is a conscious juxtaposition of the ruins of the World Trade Center and the masters of world trade, the working people who died in those office buildings obscenely translated into cover for the exploitation of poor people around the world.

Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair were not overstating when they chose as the title of their recent book about the demonstrations in Seattle two years ago, FIVE DAYS THAT SHOOK THE WORLD. The events in that city in November of 1999 brought to view the breadth and depth of opposition to business dominance of the world -- what became in the next months and years, through successive demonstrations in Washington, Quebec, Sweden, and Genoa -- the largest world-wide mass movement in history.

Corporate media did their best to reduce it to "Teamsters and turtles" and focus attention on "black bloc" diversions. (By the meeting of the G8 governments in Genoa last July, many of these so-called anarchists seem to have been police spies and provocateurs). But the executive committee of the ownership class knew who these people were, and just how dangerous they were. At Genoa a fascist police attack was engineered -- not against the black bloc, but against the mainstream peaceful protesters, who were savagely beaten and jailed.

These are the people whom the captains of industry and finance fear. The media, which they own, said that the protesters had no plans -- ignoring their serious and extensive critique of "neoliberalism," the fashionable name for business-control of the world and the exclusion of democratic limitation of business through government.

Secretary of State Colin Powell, the most thoughtful member of this administration (frighteningly enough), occasionally blurts out the truth. He sees the situation but not the contradictions: "We're selling a product," he says. "That product we are selling is democracy. It's the free enterprise system, the American value system."

He seems to think those three things are identical. But democracy and "the free enterprise system" -- capitalism -- are contradictories. The former presumes equality -- one person, one vote; but the latter depends on inequality -- your influence in society depends on how much wealth you command.

And "the American value system" is thoroughly ambiguous. It should presumably mean the Enlightenment ideals that were said to animate the revolution of 1776 and are expressed in (parts of) the Declaration of Independence and the Bill of Rights. The history of the US should be written in terms of the attempts of those few with wealth and power to make sure that the implications of those ideals (e.g., "all men are created equal") are not extended to people other than themselves, and in the struggles of poor and working people, of minorities and women, to see that they are -- a contest far from over, or even clear in the direction of its outcome.

Actual American values, the values that animate our public discourse and culture, were described early in the last century by William James as "the exclusive worship of the bitch-goddess success. That -- with the squalid cash interpretation put on the word success -- is our national disease."

Of course we salve our troubled conscience by calling it "meritocracy," but, as one contemporary commentator puts it, "Instead of the comforting rationale that merit breeds success and the successful have merit, a more rational approach would be to speculate that in our society wealth and power tend to accrue to those who are ruthless, cunning, avaricious, self-seeking, lacking in sympathy and compassion, subservient to authority and willing to abandon principle for material gain..."

As John Pilger recently wrote in the NEW STATESMAN, "Since 11 September, the 'war on terrorism' has provided a pretext for the rich countries, led by the United States, to further their dominance over world affairs. By spreading 'fear and respect,' as a WASHINGTON POST reporter put it, America intends to see off challenges to its uncertain ability to control and manage the 'global economy,' the euphemism for the progressive seizure of markets and resources by the G8 rich nations. This, not the hunt for a man in a cave in Afghanistan, is the aim behind US Vice-President Dick Cheney's threats to '40 to 50 countries.' It has little to do with terrorism and much to do with maintaining the divisions that underpin 'globalization.'"

Carl Estabrook teaches at the University of Illinois and is the host of News From Neptune, a weekly radio show on politics and the media. He writes a regular column for CounterPunch.