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CounterPunch
December
14, 2002
Venezuela: a
Canadian Perspective
by YVES ENGLER
Close your eyes and imagine a country that supplies
a major portion of the United State's imported oil. Imagine a
country historically dominated by American corporate interests.
Imagine that this country's government is considered "too
left wing" by powerful forces in the United States. Imagine
this country's media is overwhelmingly conservative and pro-American.
Envision what might happen. Now open
your eyes to the reality of Venezuela. Yes, Canadians have good
reason to be concerned about recent events in that South American
country. Only seven months after a military coup, Venezuela is
again descending into social chaos. For the past 10 days the
country has been gripped by a general strike, the fourth of the
year, supported by both major business and the elite trade union
federations. Though the strike seems to be withering, in the
key oil industry disruption continues. Talk of armed gatherings
by both the opposition and pro-government forces is rife. Military
intervention and civil war are a possibility. Today's turmoil
stretches back to before April 11 when President Hugo Chavez
was ousted and returned to office within 48 hours. His return
was due to a split within the army and massive popular support.
That coup was led by then leader of the country's main business
group Fedecámaras. Today, in a similar situation the anti-government
opposition forces are calling on Chavez to resign.
While Chavez has important enemies his
supporters are many and committed. Chavez was elected in 1998
and again in 2000 with 58% of the vote. His victory broke a 50-year-old
two-party stranglehold on the reins of power. Chavez is leading
a "Bolivariano revolution", named after the 19th century
independence hero, in a country polarized both on economic and
racial lines. Over 80% of the population lives below the poverty
line and there is a strong correlation between poverty and dark
skin. Chavez, who is of black and indigenous origins, has concentrated
on improving the living conditions of the poor.
His policies have included land redistribution
for poor farmers, title to the self-built homes of the barrios,
steady increases in the minimum wage and of public sector salaries,
and the enrollment of over one million previously excluded students
in school.
Two years ago Chavez called upon his
supporters to organize themselves into Bolivarian Circles, a
grassroots network of neighborhood groups designed to shore up
the "revolution". They act as lobbying groups that
appeal directly to Chavez for help financing community programs.
Money is awarded for almost anything from loan programs to individual
medical needs. The circles are concentrated in Caracas' teeming
slums where over 60% of the city's 5 million people live. Estimates
put the number of Bolivariano Circles at over 140,000 across
the country. Since each circle has between seven and fifteen
members the nation-wide total membership is over one million.
Many critics charge that the circles
are little more than intimidation groups. The opposition believes
that the government has armed the circles and trained them in
neighborhood spying in the manner of Cuba's Committees for the
Defense of the Revolution, although there is little evidence
to back those claims.
Chavez has at times been overly dismissive
of his critics. He rails against the corrupt oligarchy. As a
result he has antagonized large segments of society. Nevertheless,
supporters of democracy must concede Chavez's right to continue
in power even if his support has dropped to between 30 and 35
per cent (How many Canadian politicians support has dropped to
this level?).
According to the constitution, to remove
Chavez, the opposition needs only to wait until August, half
way through his term when a binding referendum can be held. But
the main demand of the general strike is an earlier non-binding
referendum. The American position towards Chavez is unclear.
Prior to the April 11 coup, U.S. state department officials met
with coup leaders. Similarly, the U.S. was quick to recognize
the new government. Recently Chavez has, however, been more conciliatory
towards the U.S. Nonetheless, state department officials have
been ambiguous about their position.
The Canadian government thus far has
also been weak in defending Venezuelan democracy. While after
April 1 most Latin American leaders strongly condemned the coup,
our government said little. Now Foreign Affairs Minister Bill
Graham is simply asking for both sides to resume dialogue.
Mr. Graham, in the spirit of continental
integration, should clearly state Canada's opposition to any
government that gains power un-democratically. Anything less
is tacit consent to a return to the bad old days of South American
coups and military juntas.
Yves Engler
is Vice President Communications for the Concordia Student Union
and has traveled extensively throughout Venezuela. He can be
reached at: yvesengler@hotmail.com
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