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Recent
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May
16, 2003
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of the Day
Iraq and Our
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May
15, 2003
Ayesha
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Lindorff
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Madsen
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de Rooij
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Reiss
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Steve Perry
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May
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Landau
Clear Channel Fogs the Airwaves
Michael
Neumann
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My Meeting with Arafat
Steve Perry
The Saudi Arabia Bombing
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Lind
The Hippo and the Mongoose: a Question of Military Theory
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10 / 11, 2003
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May
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8, 2003
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May
16, 2003
Those Who Don't Count
Remembering
the Civilian Victims of the War on Iraq
By MARK ENGLER
Since the invasion of Iraq has ended, a tone of
vindication and bravado has seeped into the national mood. Television
newscasters and the Department of Defense agree: America is delighted.
Soldiers are giving high-fives. Those of us who opposed the president
and his generals should be ashamed in the face of a brilliantly
successful war.
There is one question, above others,
that this prevailing self-satisfaction works to silence. Amidst
the atmosphere of recrimination, few will risk asking, "What
was the cost?"
On televisions overseas, the Marine blitz
and Air Force bombs extracted a human price. While Donald Rumsfeld's
talking head became the singular icon of war in the United States,
the rest of the world held up photos of Ali Ismaeel Abbas, the
12-year-old boy who lost his parents and eight other relatives,
along with both of his arms, in the bombing of Baghdad.
No doubt some have exploited such images
for propagandistic purposes. No doubt the pursuit of carnage
at times became tasteless sensationalism. But what was the impact
for Americans of seeing so few, if any, of those who died?
There are estimates available of the
number of civilians killed in the war. A group of 19 volunteers
in England, the creators of a Web site called "IraqBodyCount.net,"
estimate that there were a "minimum" of 2,050 deaths.
This total reflects the lowest numbers provided in news reports
of deadly incidents. A more complete tally would have to add
the hundreds, maybe thousands, whose deaths were never reported
by any source -- those buried quietly in the rubble, or those
who were wounded and later died in one of Iraq's overflowing,
and ultimately looted, hospitals.
No country, "coalition" or
otherwise, has undertaken this reckoning. "A Swiss government
initiative launched in the middle of the war," says John
Sloboda of IraqBodyCount, "was abandoned under political
pressure."
The dilemma this presents is an old one,
and a dangerous one, too: What is the weight of a life? How many
before it matters? Few can offer good answers. Those who look
only at the bloodiest moments of war discount other lives. Hundreds
of thousands of Iraqi citizens died as a result of the decade-long
sanctions, for which Saddam Hussein bears much culpability, but
which the United States had the power to lift all along. Many
more would have died if sanctions were prolonged. And we have
no way to know how many will be killed in future invasions inspired
by Iraq's conquest, or in resultant acts of retribution.
Washington, of course, kept careful track
of the 166 U.S. and British troops killed in action. It shunned,
however, the idea of a civilian body count. Many journalists,
particularly on television, took this official position as their
marching orders.
Even in the most responsible of our newspapers,
one idea became a mantra: "a precise number [of civilians
who were killed] is not and probably never will be available,"
said The New York Times. "The final toll may never be determined,"
said The Washington Post. Again and again, reporters noted the
difficulty of making an exact tally.
It was, on face, a statement of humility,
an honest acknowledgement of the chaos inherent in military conflict.
Yet, at some point, this tendency -- this refusal to count, or
to even try -- grew into something else.
It became a form of political denial.
The rare dispatches that scratched through
the surface of the government's stance on civilian deaths revealed
a human side of war -- in which young soldiers feared for their
lives and relied on quick, difficult decisions -- but also, at
the same time, a startling desensitization to human life. In
one oft-cited report by The New York Times, a Sergeant Schrumpf
recalled an incident in which Marines fired on an Iraqi soldier
standing among several civilians. One woman was killed. "I'm
sorry," the sergeant said, "but the chick was in the
way."
Another Times reporter wrote of a situation
in which Marines attacked a caravan of vehicles approaching them
from the distance, not knowing if these might be filled with
enemies or, as it actually turned out, with innocents:
"One by one, civilians were killed.
Several hundred yards from the forward Marine positions, a blue
minivan was fired on; three people were killed. An old man, walking
with a cane on the side of the road, was shot and killed. It
is unclear what he was doing there; perhaps he was confused and
scared and just trying to get away from the city. Several other
vehicles were fired on.... When the firing stopped, there were
nearly a dozen corpses, all but two of which had no apparent
military clothing or weapons. "Two journalists who were
ahead of me, farther up the road, said that a company commander
told his men to hold their fire until the snipers had taken a
few shots, to try to disable the vehicles without killing the
passengers. 'Let the snipers deal with civilian vehicles,' the
commander had said. But as soon as the nearest sniper fired his
first warning shots, other Marines apparently opened fire with
M-16s or machine guns.... "[A] squad leader, after the
shooting stopped, shouted: 'My men showed no mercy. Outstanding.'"
The number of civilians killed in the
actual fighting does matter, if only to remind us that invasion
is not a video game. It matters, because it shows that however
sophisticated its tools, war will always claim its "collateral
damage," its innocent bystanders.
A callous indifference toward such lives
is not limited to the sergeants and squad leaders on the front
lines. It is the position fostered by a government that does
not count its victims, even as it lines up more conquests: next
Syria, then on to Iran.
It is an attitude that survives outside
of wartime, guiding our prejudices against those living in countries
whose names we never learned to pronounce, countries that our
shock-jocks call "turd world" nations.
In order to break the cycle of war and
deprivation, hatred and terrorism, the United States some day
must start counting not only the dead from this conflict, but
all those whom we perpetually disregard. And it must start holding
itself accountable to them. For as it does, we will learn that
this is not a matter of two thousand, or even two hundred thousand.
The majority of this world will rise
to be counted.
Mark Engler,
a writer based in New York City, can be reached at engler@eudoramail.com.
T his article first appeared on TomPaine.com.
Research assistance provided by Katie Griffiths.
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