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Weekend
Edition
July 3/4, 2004
Venezuela's
Media Tycoons
The
Anti-Chavez Echo Chamber
By
JUSTIN DELACOUR
More than a year ago, I received an
angry message from an opponent of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez
regarding an article that I wrote for Narco News criticizing
the political partiality and methodological problems of Venezuela's
two most cited pollsters ("Can You Believe Venezuela's Pollsters?",
January 22, 2003). A number of anti-Chavez critiques of my article,
including one by Francisco Toro, were pasted below the message.
For those who are not familiar
with Toro, he is a well-known anti-Chavez activist based in Caracas
whom the New York Times once hired as a reporter, in violation
of the Times' own claims to objective and disinterested reporting.
Toro runs an anti-Chavez weblog called the Caracas Chronicles.
At the time that I received
this angry message, I was preoccupied with other issues, so,
if I recall correctly, I did not read the critique by Toro that
followed the message. However, the recent agreement in Venezuela
to move ahead with a recall referendum on Chavez's government,
as well as the Venezuelan President's recent citations of my
article on Radio Nacional de Venezuela, have re-sparked interest
in the topic of the pollsters. Thus, I have decided to revisit
one of Toro's criticisms in order to show just how vacuous the
Venezuelan opposition's defense of their pollsters is. I will
address Toro's other "main" criticisms in future entries.
Toro writes:
The main reply to the writer...
is that he's arguing by innuendo. These guys [the pollsters]
are personally anti-Chavez (indubitable) therefore they're cheating
on their polls (highly questionable). He never argues the link
between the two, other than to suggest that anyone who is anti-Chavez
is by definition such a nasty rat that he can't possibly be honest
in reporting poll results.
Actually, I never once put
forth an argument that, since Venezuelan pollsters Alfredo Keller
and Jose Antonio Gil Yepes were "personally anti-Chavez,"
they must have therefore been "cheating on their polls."
First of all, Keller and Gil Yepes are not just "personally
anti-Chavez"; they are publicly anti-Chavez, and virulently
so, to the point that one was even quoted by the L.A. Times as
calling for Chavez's assassination, while the other sanctified
the April 11 coup --on Peruvian radio-- as a "de facto referendum."
I made it abundantly clear in my original report that the pollsters
had increasingly become identified publicly with the opposition
and that they had made little effort to avoid this public perception.
If it were only a matter of the pollsters' "personal"
beliefs --not one of public declarations-- it would not be an
issue. However, once the public comes to associate a pollster
with a political side, the pollster's public associations become
problematic in and of themselves because they are likely to bias
the responses of the population sample being polled.
All of this was made perfectly
clear in my original report, but, since Toro seems to have overlooked
this, allow me to refresh his memory with a passage from my article:
...even if we were to assume
that Keller and Gil Yepes are not loading their questions, the
poll respondents' simple awareness of the pollsters' political
partisanship is likely to skew the polls in favor of the opposition.
We asked Matthew Mendelsohn,
a Canadian political scientist and specialist on polling methodology,
whether or not the pollsters' well-known political partisanship
--independent of all other factors-- could bias polling results.
Although Mendelsohn told us that he lacked knowledge about polling
in Latin America, he responded as follows:
"Any perception on the
part of the respondent that the questioner is partisan can influence
results. You see this with interviewer effects all the time --
male and female, black and white, etc. interviewers get different
results. And certainly if the respondent knows that you're a
representative from a particular party or group, this biases
results."
Contrary to the argument put
forth by Toro, I never once suggested that "anyone who is
anti-Chavez is by definition such a nasty rat that he can't possibly
be honest in reporting poll results." Once a pollster becomes
publicly associated with a political side --either pro or anti-Chavez,
in this case-- the problem is not necessarily that he or she
is incapable of honestly reporting poll results but rather that
the results themselves are likely to be biased.
Given that all of this was made readily clear in the original
report, I would like to discuss the issues of why Toro seems
so incapable of addressing my actual points and why, instead,
he is only able to address his own false caricatures of the arguments
put forth in the article.
The Anti-Chavez
Echo Chamber
Imagine a society where almost
all private media, in accordance with the interests of the dominant
class that owns and controls them, have made a conscious decision
to subordinate their advertising, political "reporting"
and publication of "polls" to the goal of overthrowing
a democratically elected government. Venezuelans have no difficulty
imagining this; the country's private media are completely devoted
to the overthrow of a government that they consider insufficiently
subservient to their interests. In fact, in his own infantile
sort of way, even Toro comprehends this, although his understanding
is naturally devoid of any meaningful class analysis. On January
25, 2003, Toro wrote the following in his weblog: "Venezuela's
private media decided that political activism is much more fun
than, y'know, actually reporting. Of course, I also decided that
too."
The absence of politically
pluralistic private media should not be very difficult for U.S.
citizens to imagine either, since --to the extent that private
U.S. media cover Venezuela-- they too are largely united in their
hostility toward the Chavez government, for much the same reasons
that private Venezuelan media are. The interests of the powerful
demand that political debate exist only within narrow bounds.
Thus, to move outside those bounds --in other words, to actually
challenge powerful economic interests and to question the imperialist
behavior upon which those interests depend-- is generally not
considered acceptable "journalistic" behavior.
Venezuela's private media have
essentially become a vast echo chamber, where debate is limited
to tactical questions of how best to extinguish the threat to
dominant class interests. Unfortunately, the de-pluralization
of political discourse within private media tends to have highly
degenerative effects on the rational faculties of those sectors
of society that either belong to the economic elite or come under
the mesmerizing influence of its propaganda apparatus. As one
can easily see, the de-pluralization of discourse leads to increasing
intolerance of dissenting views, thereby exacerbating authoritarian
tendencies among both elites and the technocratic sectors to
which they are aligned. This is especially the case during historical
junctures when dissenting views come to hold greater sway among
the general population and thus directly compromise dominant
class interests.
Delusions
of the Propaganda Apparatus
Within this context, the technocratic
and educated sectors that fulfill the elite's propaganda function
come to develop strange delusions about themselves. They begin
to confuse their technocratic capacities with the supposed legitimacy
and coherence of their ideas. Forgetting that their influential
roles are based entirely on their subservience to dominant class
interests, they come to adopt a circular logic, whereby their
power to disseminate their message confers legitimacy on the
message itself. Thus, subconsciously, the privately-controlled
propaganda apparatus comes to equate its subservience to economic
power with the legitimacy of its ideas.
This logic was readily apparent in Venezuelan pollster Alfredo
Keller's comments about my article. At the top of Keller's list
of reasons why he chose not to respond to the article, he writes:
It occurred to me to look into
Narco News to understand the context within which the article
appeared. We're talking about a digital newspaper that clearly
backs all these leftist movements that are invading Latin America
(Lula, Gutierrez, the Sandinistas, the FMLN, Elisa Carrió,
Evo Morales, etc.) and that praises Chavez, Fidel, the Andean
coca-growers' movements and other such wonderful company.
("Invading" Latin
America? Just where are these "leftist" movements "invading"
from, Alfredo?).
So, in other words, Narco News
doesn't bow down before the economically powerful, as this discredited
Venezuelan pollster does. In a nutshell, Keller argues that the
source of the article is illegitimate on account of its lack
of subservience to economic power.
Keller does not attempt to
refute the arguments put forth in the article because, well,
there isn't much that he can refute, a fact that he tacitly and
begrudgingly acknowledges in the following quote:
The article, besides being
written with great ability, comes out in defense of Chavez, so
I ask myself, how much could it have cost?
I must admit how flattered
I am by the suggestion that I may have been contracted by the
Venezuelan government to write the article. Perhaps Alfredo will
be disappointed to learn that I was never contacted by the Venezuelan
government, nor did I receive a penny for writing the report,
nor did I ever request payment. In case Alfredo wasn't aware,
his virulently anti-Chavez ruminations had been blared all over
the internet long before I wrote the report, so my research tasks
weren't exactly daunting.
In consultation with Narco
News editor Al Giordano, I decided to investigate Venezuela's
major pollsters and publish my findings for one simple reason:
the story was highly newsworthy. Even in the United States, where
the private media are almost invariably subservient to corporate
interests, journalists generally do not cite polls by pollsters
who have publicly partisan connections. Given these well-known
standards, it is simply mind-boggling to witness the amateurism
of English-language correspondents in Venezuela, who have routinely
cited polls by Keller and Gil Yepes without mentioning that the
two pollsters are virulently and publicly anti-Chavez.
How, after all, could Keller
or Gil Yepes honestly deny the uncontestable fact that their
open partisanship compromises the professionalism of their operations?
Not surprisingly, Keller avoids the subject altogether, hoping
perhaps that, as long as Venezuela's private media remain one
vast anti-Chavez echo chamber --and that, at least with regard
to Venezuela, private U.S. media remain essentially the same--
the facts will not receive much exposure. As the old riddle goes,
"If a tree falls in the woods and no one is around, does
it still make a sound?"
This brings me back to my original
point about Toro's inability to address my actual arguments.
While the private propaganda apparatus and its ruling class overlords
pay ample lip service to the virtues of competition in the marketplace,
they are quite unwilling to submit themselves to competition
in the realm of ideas. As they vigilantly bar their ideological
competitors from their vast echo chamber, their capacity to rationally
engage their political foes begins to atrophy. Their growing
intolerance of dissenting views --combined with their delusions
that their influential roles are somehow based on the merits
of their ideas rather than on their subservience to economic
power-- leads them to become intellectually lazy.
Thus, instead of honestly trying
to interpret the arguments of an ideological foe, it suffices
for Toro to erect crude caricatures of those arguments --caricatures
that have no resemblance to the arguments that I actually made--
and then to respond to the caricatures.
In Toro's concluding remarks
about my article --directed at someone else in the opposition
who was apparently concerned about the article's possible effects--
he states the following:
Thankfully, the 20,000 people
who read ZMag [note: the article also ran on the progressive
U.S. webzine ZNet, at http://www.zmag.org/] are all equally
blinded by ideology and unreasonable, and such writing is most
unlikely to reach or influence people who matter, who know anything
at all, or who have anything like an open mind. So I really wouldn't
worry about it.
Sound familiar?
Yeah, well, there's nothing
like an echo chamber to feed an "open mind."
Justin Delacour is a freelance writer and recent graduate
of the Masters program in Latin American Studies at the University
of New Mexico. He has written for Latin
America Data Base (http://ladb.unm.edu/), a University of
New Mexico-based news service. He receives email at jdelac@unm.edu
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