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Today"s Stories

July 3 / 4, 2004

Stan Goff
ABC of Opportunism: "Progressive" Latin American Leaders Support the Coup in Haiti

 

July 2, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
Suicide Right on the Stage: the Demise of the Green Party

Douglas Valentine
Fahrenheit 911: Mocking the Moral Crisis of Capitalism

Gary Leupp
"Just Because I Could": On Obscenities and Opportunities

Lee Ballinger
Illegal People: Kerry Opposes Immigrant Rights

Robert Fisk
Saddam in the Dock: Confused? Hardly

CounterPunch Wire
"What Law Formed This Court?": a Transcript of Saddam"s Arraignment

Christopher Brauchli
Bush"s Drug Card Lottery: the Price Ain"t Right

Saul Landau
Buzz Words and Venezuela


July 1, 2004

Katherine van Wormer
Bush"s Damaged Mind: the Madness in His Method

Joe Bageant
Is Our President a Whackjob? Does It Matter?

William James Martin
The Dogma of Richard Perle

Dave Lindorff
Bush"s Evacuation Moment

Robert Fisk
Bread and Circus Trials in Iraq

Alan Maass
Green Party in Reverse

Website of the Day
Michael Moore and Israel: Blind or a Coward?

 

June 30, 2004

Kurt Nimmo
Nicholson Baker"s Checkpoint: a New Kind of Anger About Bush

Tariq Ali
Getting Away with Murder in Iraq

Jennifer Van Bergen
Bush and the Detainees

Douglas Valentine
Apotheosis of the Psychopaths: Instead of Fahrenheit 9/11, Rescreen The Quiet American

David Price
Fahrenheit 9/11 Through the McCain-Feingold Looking Glass

Roger Normand
America"s Criminal Occupation of Iraq

Stan Cox
Sanitized for Your Protection: Ashcroft"s War on Art

Henry David Thoreau
On the Futility of Bush v. Kerry: All Voting is a Kind of Gaming

Ben Tripp
Who Dast Call Him Liar: a Rebuttal to Nicholas Kristof

 

 

June 29, 2004

Patrick Cockburn
The Cloak-and-Dagger Handover

Robert Fisk
Alice in an Iraqi Wonderland

Troy Selvaratnam
New York Times Boosts Pet Developer

Harry Browne
Bush in Ireland

Ray McGovern
The CIA According to Anonymous

Elaine Cassel
Hamdi, Padilla & Rasul: Who Really Won?

 

 

June 28, 2004

Patrick Cockburn / Leyla Linton
Grisly Rituals in Iraq

Amira Hass
Confronting Myths and Deadly Power

 

June 26 / 27, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Venezuela: the Gang"s All Here

Patrick Cockburn
Iyad Allawi, the CIA"s New Stooge in Iraq

Dennis Hans
Once They Were Sweethearts: Cheney, the NYTs and the Myth of an Iraq Link to 9/11

Ben Tripp
Adventures in Fuel Efficiency

Dave Lindorff
That State Department Terrorism Report: What They Knew, But Didn"t Tell You

Chris Floyd
Cold Irons Bound: the Russian Gambit

Ali Tonak
Contamination at Berkeley: Profit Motives, Academic Freedom and the Case of Ignacio Chapela

Keith Rosenthal
The Withering of the Anti-War Movement

Bryan Sacks
The Failure of the 9/11 Commission

Wayne Madsen
Another Case of Blowback

Thomas St. John
L. Frank Baum, Racist: Indian-Hating in the Wizard of Oz

Niranjan Ramakrishnan
American Swadeshi

 

June 25, 2004

Stephen Gowans
US to North Korea: "Trust Us"

Saul Landau
2006 Pentagon Budget as Sacrilege: Bush Invests the National Treasure in Death and Destruction

Amir Butler
Iraq: the Deadly Embrace

Jack McCarthy
Another Times Plagiarism Scandal? Did Maureen Dowd Lift from the World Weekly News?

Greg Bates
Chomsky and Zinn Plan to Vote Nader

 

 

June 24, 2004

Gary Leupp
John Lehman on the Iraq / al-Qaeda Links

Patrick Cockburn
A Day in the Life of Col. Abu Mohammed: Defusing Bombs, Facing Death Threats

Harry Browne
On the Rebound: Bush Bounces Back...in Europe

Bill Kaufman
Another Marxist for Kerry: Joel Kovel"s Sad Smear of Ralph Nader

Christopher Brauchli
Bush, Cheney and the 9/11 Commission: What Did They Know? What Did They Tell?

Rick Gioimbetti
Andrea Yates: Victim of Psychiatric Violence?

John Chuckman
Call Center ID Hypocrisy

Diana Johnstone
Kerry and Kosovo: the Lie of a "Good War"

 

 

June 23, 2004

Laura Carlsen
Bush and Castro Face Off

Dave Zirin
Barry Bonds vs. Boston: "A Flea Market of Racism"

Kurt Nimmo
From Saddam, With Love

Patricia Wolff
Foundation Wars

Mahboob A. Khawaja
"They Had Me Arrested and Shackled My Son"

Patrick Cockburn
The Pretense of an Independent Iraq

Website of the Day
The Road to Abu Ghraib

June 22, 2004

Dave Lindorff
The Meaning of Putin"s Pronouncement: Mutually Assured Pre-emption

Ron Jacobs
Nuclear Plants in US Protectorate of Iraq?

Vanessa Jones
Coogee, Peter Garrett and Valium Earrings

Mickey Z
An Open Letter to the People of Iraq

John L. Hess
Clinton Exhales

Pedro Marset/Ex-Solidarity Committee for Pacho Cortés
An Exchange on the Case of Pacho Cortés

Bruce Jackson
Saying No to Prosecutors: Why Steve Kurtz"s Colleagues Refused to Testify

Website of the Day
From Boot Camp to Boot Hill

 

June 21, 2004

Gary Leupp
Putin"s Helpful Remarks

Lucson Pierre-Charles
Haiti After the Press Went Home: Chaos Upon Chaos

Cockburn / Khan
Saddam May Face Death Penalty

Uri Avnery
Irreversible Mental Damage

 

 

June 19 / 20, 2004

Patrick Cockburn
Inside the Green Zone: US is Paranoid and Isolated

Bruce Anderson
Frozen Gringos

Diane Christian
Morality and Death: a Meditation on Bush and Blake

Walter A. Davis
Passion of the Christ in Abu Ghraib

Josh Frank
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Col. Dan Smith
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A Profound Disruption of the Senses

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Prudence Crowther
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Kathy Kelly
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June 18, 2004

Chris Floyd
Blood Victory

Dave Zirin
Danielle Green, Basketball Player & Disabled Vet, Speaks Out Against War

Justin E.H. Smith
The Christian Question in American Politics

Gary Leupp
The "Long-Established" Link?: Iraq, al-Qaeda, and al-Zarqawi

 

June 17, 2004

Noel Ignatiev
Zionism, Anti-Semitism and the People of Palestine

Kurt Nimmo
The Bush-Kerry Conundrum

Ed Cardoni
The Persecution of Steve Kurtz

Ron Jacobs
Power Relations: Rounding Up Everyone Who Knows More Than They Do

Dave Lindorff
Philly Daily News: "Four Wasted Years"

Greg Moses
Geneva Ignored

Norm Dixon
How Reagan Armed Saddam with Chemical Weapons

 

 

June 18, 2004

Noel Ignatiev
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The Bush-Kerry Conundrum

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The Persecution of Steve Kurtz

Ron Jacobs
Power Relations: Rounding Up Everyone Who Knows More Than They Do

Dave Lindorff
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Greg Moses
Geneva Ignored

Norm Dixon
How Reagan Armed Saddam with Chemical Weapons

 

 

June 16, 2004

Lenni Brenner
A Question for Kerry Supporters

Davey D
Hip Hop Reflections on Reagan

Daniel Wolff
Why Did Michael Moore Withhold Video Evidence of US Prisoner Abuse?

Bruce Jackson
Harry Levin and the Penultimate Manuscript of Finnegans Wake

Patrick Cockburn
Boom! Boom! Out Go the Lights: Bombings Target Oil and Power Facilities

Gary Handschumacher
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June 15, 2004

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John Blair
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Bill Quigley
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Weekend Edition
July 3/4, 2004

Venezuela's Media Tycoons

The Anti-Chavez Echo Chamber

By JUSTIN DELACOUR

More than a year ago, I received an angry message from an opponent of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez regarding an article that I wrote for Narco News criticizing the political partiality and methodological problems of Venezuela's two most cited pollsters ("Can You Believe Venezuela's Pollsters?", January 22, 2003). A number of anti-Chavez critiques of my article, including one by Francisco Toro, were pasted below the message.

For those who are not familiar with Toro, he is a well-known anti-Chavez activist based in Caracas whom the New York Times once hired as a reporter, in violation of the Times' own claims to objective and disinterested reporting. Toro runs an anti-Chavez weblog called the Caracas Chronicles.

At the time that I received this angry message, I was preoccupied with other issues, so, if I recall correctly, I did not read the critique by Toro that followed the message. However, the recent agreement in Venezuela to move ahead with a recall referendum on Chavez's government, as well as the Venezuelan President's recent citations of my article on Radio Nacional de Venezuela, have re-sparked interest in the topic of the pollsters. Thus, I have decided to revisit one of Toro's criticisms in order to show just how vacuous the Venezuelan opposition's defense of their pollsters is. I will address Toro's other "main" criticisms in future entries.

Toro writes:

The main reply to the writer... is that he's arguing by innuendo. These guys [the pollsters] are personally anti-Chavez (indubitable) therefore they're cheating on their polls (highly questionable). He never argues the link between the two, other than to suggest that anyone who is anti-Chavez is by definition such a nasty rat that he can't possibly be honest in reporting poll results.

Actually, I never once put forth an argument that, since Venezuelan pollsters Alfredo Keller and Jose Antonio Gil Yepes were "personally anti-Chavez," they must have therefore been "cheating on their polls." First of all, Keller and Gil Yepes are not just "personally anti-Chavez"; they are publicly anti-Chavez, and virulently so, to the point that one was even quoted by the L.A. Times as calling for Chavez's assassination, while the other sanctified the April 11 coup --on Peruvian radio-- as a "de facto referendum." I made it abundantly clear in my original report that the pollsters had increasingly become identified publicly with the opposition and that they had made little effort to avoid this public perception. If it were only a matter of the pollsters' "personal" beliefs --not one of public declarations-- it would not be an issue. However, once the public comes to associate a pollster with a political side, the pollster's public associations become problematic in and of themselves because they are likely to bias the responses of the population sample being polled.

All of this was made perfectly clear in my original report, but, since Toro seems to have overlooked this, allow me to refresh his memory with a passage from my article:

...even if we were to assume that Keller and Gil Yepes are not loading their questions, the poll respondents' simple awareness of the pollsters' political partisanship is likely to skew the polls in favor of the opposition.

We asked Matthew Mendelsohn, a Canadian political scientist and specialist on polling methodology, whether or not the pollsters' well-known political partisanship --independent of all other factors-- could bias polling results. Although Mendelsohn told us that he lacked knowledge about polling in Latin America, he responded as follows:

"Any perception on the part of the respondent that the questioner is partisan can influence results. You see this with interviewer effects all the time -- male and female, black and white, etc. interviewers get different results. And certainly if the respondent knows that you're a representative from a particular party or group, this biases results."

Contrary to the argument put forth by Toro, I never once suggested that "anyone who is anti-Chavez is by definition such a nasty rat that he can't possibly be honest in reporting poll results." Once a pollster becomes publicly associated with a political side --either pro or anti-Chavez, in this case-- the problem is not necessarily that he or she is incapable of honestly reporting poll results but rather that the results themselves are likely to be biased.
Given that all of this was made readily clear in the original report, I would like to discuss the issues of why Toro seems so incapable of addressing my actual points and why, instead, he is only able to address his own false caricatures of the arguments put forth in the article.

The Anti-Chavez Echo Chamber

Imagine a society where almost all private media, in accordance with the interests of the dominant class that owns and controls them, have made a conscious decision to subordinate their advertising, political "reporting" and publication of "polls" to the goal of overthrowing a democratically elected government. Venezuelans have no difficulty imagining this; the country's private media are completely devoted to the overthrow of a government that they consider insufficiently subservient to their interests. In fact, in his own infantile sort of way, even Toro comprehends this, although his understanding is naturally devoid of any meaningful class analysis. On January 25, 2003, Toro wrote the following in his weblog: "Venezuela's private media decided that political activism is much more fun than, y'know, actually reporting. Of course, I also decided that too."

The absence of politically pluralistic private media should not be very difficult for U.S. citizens to imagine either, since --to the extent that private U.S. media cover Venezuela-- they too are largely united in their hostility toward the Chavez government, for much the same reasons that private Venezuelan media are. The interests of the powerful demand that political debate exist only within narrow bounds. Thus, to move outside those bounds --in other words, to actually challenge powerful economic interests and to question the imperialist behavior upon which those interests depend-- is generally not considered acceptable "journalistic" behavior.

Venezuela's private media have essentially become a vast echo chamber, where debate is limited to tactical questions of how best to extinguish the threat to dominant class interests. Unfortunately, the de-pluralization of political discourse within private media tends to have highly degenerative effects on the rational faculties of those sectors of society that either belong to the economic elite or come under the mesmerizing influence of its propaganda apparatus. As one can easily see, the de-pluralization of discourse leads to increasing intolerance of dissenting views, thereby exacerbating authoritarian tendencies among both elites and the technocratic sectors to which they are aligned. This is especially the case during historical junctures when dissenting views come to hold greater sway among the general population and thus directly compromise dominant class interests.

Delusions of the Propaganda Apparatus

Within this context, the technocratic and educated sectors that fulfill the elite's propaganda function come to develop strange delusions about themselves. They begin to confuse their technocratic capacities with the supposed legitimacy and coherence of their ideas. Forgetting that their influential roles are based entirely on their subservience to dominant class interests, they come to adopt a circular logic, whereby their power to disseminate their message confers legitimacy on the message itself. Thus, subconsciously, the privately-controlled propaganda apparatus comes to equate its subservience to economic power with the legitimacy of its ideas.
This logic was readily apparent in Venezuelan pollster Alfredo Keller's comments about my article. At the top of Keller's list of reasons why he chose not to respond to the article, he writes:

It occurred to me to look into Narco News to understand the context within which the article appeared. We're talking about a digital newspaper that clearly backs all these leftist movements that are invading Latin America (Lula, Gutierrez, the Sandinistas, the FMLN, Elisa Carrió, Evo Morales, etc.) and that praises Chavez, Fidel, the Andean coca-growers' movements and other such wonderful company.

("Invading" Latin America? Just where are these "leftist" movements "invading" from, Alfredo?).

So, in other words, Narco News doesn't bow down before the economically powerful, as this discredited Venezuelan pollster does. In a nutshell, Keller argues that the source of the article is illegitimate on account of its lack of subservience to economic power.

Keller does not attempt to refute the arguments put forth in the article because, well, there isn't much that he can refute, a fact that he tacitly and begrudgingly acknowledges in the following quote:

The article, besides being written with great ability, comes out in defense of Chavez, so I ask myself, how much could it have cost?

I must admit how flattered I am by the suggestion that I may have been contracted by the Venezuelan government to write the article. Perhaps Alfredo will be disappointed to learn that I was never contacted by the Venezuelan government, nor did I receive a penny for writing the report, nor did I ever request payment. In case Alfredo wasn't aware, his virulently anti-Chavez ruminations had been blared all over the internet long before I wrote the report, so my research tasks weren't exactly daunting.

In consultation with Narco News editor Al Giordano, I decided to investigate Venezuela's major pollsters and publish my findings for one simple reason: the story was highly newsworthy. Even in the United States, where the private media are almost invariably subservient to corporate interests, journalists generally do not cite polls by pollsters who have publicly partisan connections. Given these well-known standards, it is simply mind-boggling to witness the amateurism of English-language correspondents in Venezuela, who have routinely cited polls by Keller and Gil Yepes without mentioning that the two pollsters are virulently and publicly anti-Chavez.

How, after all, could Keller or Gil Yepes honestly deny the uncontestable fact that their open partisanship compromises the professionalism of their operations? Not surprisingly, Keller avoids the subject altogether, hoping perhaps that, as long as Venezuela's private media remain one vast anti-Chavez echo chamber --and that, at least with regard to Venezuela, private U.S. media remain essentially the same-- the facts will not receive much exposure. As the old riddle goes, "If a tree falls in the woods and no one is around, does it still make a sound?"

This brings me back to my original point about Toro's inability to address my actual arguments. While the private propaganda apparatus and its ruling class overlords pay ample lip service to the virtues of competition in the marketplace, they are quite unwilling to submit themselves to competition in the realm of ideas. As they vigilantly bar their ideological competitors from their vast echo chamber, their capacity to rationally engage their political foes begins to atrophy. Their growing intolerance of dissenting views --combined with their delusions that their influential roles are somehow based on the merits of their ideas rather than on their subservience to economic power-- leads them to become intellectually lazy.

Thus, instead of honestly trying to interpret the arguments of an ideological foe, it suffices for Toro to erect crude caricatures of those arguments --caricatures that have no resemblance to the arguments that I actually made-- and then to respond to the caricatures.

In Toro's concluding remarks about my article --directed at someone else in the opposition who was apparently concerned about the article's possible effects-- he states the following:

Thankfully, the 20,000 people who read ZMag [note: the article also ran on the progressive U.S. webzine ZNet, at http://www.zmag.org/] are all equally blinded by ideology and unreasonable, and such writing is most unlikely to reach or influence people who matter, who know anything at all, or who have anything like an open mind. So I really wouldn't worry about it.

Sound familiar?

Yeah, well, there's nothing like an echo chamber to feed an "open mind."

Justin Delacour is a freelance writer and recent graduate of the Masters program in Latin American Studies at the University of New Mexico. He has written for Latin America Data Base (http://ladb.unm.edu/), a University of New Mexico-based news service. He receives email at jdelac@unm.edu



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