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Recent Stories

April 3, 2003

Uri Avnery
A Crooked Mirror: Presstitution and the Theater of Operations

David Vest
Can You Hear the Silence?

Anthony Gancarski
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Michael Roberts
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Ramzy Baroud
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Alison Weir
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April 2, 2003

Alexander Cockburn
The Politics of Casualties

David Lindorff
Making America Safer...for Iraqi Fighters

William Blum
Some Observations on the Recent Behavior of the Empire

Gustavio Sierra
The Morning After the Slaughter at Nasser

Patrick Cockburn
Playing Into Saddam's Hands

Robert Jensen
Peter Arnett: Whipping Boy of the Pentagon

Jeremy Brecher
Uniting for Peace Update

N.D. Jayaprakash
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LaDawn Haglund
You Can Jail the Resisters, But You Can't Arrest the Resistance

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Truth and Subterfuge

Jemima Khan
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War Web Log

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Website of the Day
Traitor List: Sign Up Now!

 

April 1, 2003

Jason Leopold
Rumsfeld: "Get Me Rewrite"

William S. Lind
The Pitfalls of War Planning

Jorge Mariscal
Latinos on the Frontlines, Again

Paul de Rooij
Arrogant Propaganda

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From Baghdad: "I Am His Mother"

Tarif Abboushi
Operation Embedded Folly

Lee Sustar
Labor's War at Home

Akiva Eldar
Israeli Dreams of Iraqi Oil

Bernard Weiner
The Vietnam Connection

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The Graveyard at Baghdad's North Gate

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March 31, 2003

David Lindorff
Liberating Iraqis from Their Homes

Neve Gordon
A Different Kind of Despair

John Chuckman
Absurdities and Contradictions

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Bernie Sanders Voting Maybe on War

Wayne Madsen
The Siege of Washington

Mark Franchetti
Slaughter at the Bridge of Death

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Blood and Bandages of the Innocent

Robin Cook
Send Our Soldiers Home

Anthony Gancarski
Investigate Perle

Uri Avnery
The Devil's Dictionary

Steve Perry
War Web Log 03/31

 

March 29, 2003

Kathy and Bill Christison
"Like Being Autistic with Power": an Interview with Jeff Halper

Ben Tripp
"My Empire for a Map!": Geography American Style

Ann Harrison
The War on Protesters: San Francisco's Berserk Cops

Kurt Nimmo
Dead People: Don't Go There

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Blood on the Tracks: Cheney the War Profiteer

Ann Pettifer
Israelis: Victims No Longer?

Jo Wilding
Dispatch from Baghdad: Nowhere is Safe

Ramzy Baroud
Horror Chamber: Inside the Al-Amiriya Shelter

David Krieger
Perle is Gone, But the Looting Continues

John Gershman
Dreams of Empire; Eulogies for International Law

Robert Fisk
Bombing the Phone System

Brice Abel
War, Bush and the Jesus Torilla

Tom Stephens
The Chickenhawk Circle of Hell

Alexander Cockburn
"War Not Going According to Plan"

 

March 28, 2003

Robert Fisk
Bitter Truths About Basra

Daniel Wolff
A Road Trip in Wartime

Chris Clarke
We Never Spit on Any Baby Killers

David Lindorff
Saddam, a Hero Made in Washington

Pierre Tristam
Icarus on Crack: American Hubris and Iraq

Jason Leopold
Richard Perle: the Enterprising Hawk

Saul Landau
Technological Massacre

Carol Norris
The Mother of All Bombs

Riad Abdelkarim, MD
Iraq War Lingo 101

Adam Engel
Schlock and Awe

Steve Perry
War Web Log

 

March 27, 2003

Anthony Gancarski
Somebody Blew Up Baghdad

Rahul Mahajan
The New Humanitarianism: Basra as Military Target

Simon Jones
A Letter from Uzbekistan

William S. Lind
No Exit

Diane Christian
A Day of Reckoning

The Black Commentator
Onward Embedded Soldiers: the Press and the War

Mickey Z.
Remembering the Real Moynihan: Genocide in East Timor

Richard Thieme
The Problem of Empathy

Jason Leopold
Energy Scams: Bilking California Out of Billions

Tariq Ali
A Naked Display of Imperial Power

Alexander Cockburn
Up the Creek

 

March 26, 2003

Bruce Jackson
A Battlefield from Hell

Pablo Mukherjee
Watch Their Lips

David Krieger
Shock But Not Awe

Linda Heard
Winning Hearts and Minds Bush-Style

Imad Jadaa
The Beautiful Face of America

Adam Engel
Buckets of Blood

Patrick Cockburn
Kurds Unimpressed

David Lindorff
POWs, Torture and Hypocrisy

Robert Fisk
The Coup That Didn't Happen

April Hurley, MD
A Doctor's Outrage in Baghdad

Gloria Bergen
Chretien's Shame

Reema Abu Hamdieh
The Smell of Death Surrounds Me

 

March 25, 2003

Jeffrey St. Clair
Life During Wartime

Gary Leupp
What Democracy Looks Like: the Streets of Cairo

Bill and Kathleen Christison
An Interview with Hanan Ashrawi

Bruce Jackson
Why Protest? Why Write?

Uri Avnery
Bitter Rice: Thoughts and Warnings on the War

Jason Leopold
Blood Indicator: Casualties and the Stock Market

Ralph Nader
A Pre-emptive War on a Defenseless Country

 

March 24, 2003

Alexander Cockburn
Ominous Signs

David Lindorff
Peacekeepers at Ground Zero

Diane Christian
Blood Sacrifice

Kathy Kelly
The Morning After Shock and Awe

John Stanton
US Bombs Iran

Wayne Madsen
How to Live with a Rogue Superpower

Anthony Gancarski
Iraq and the Death of the West

David Vest
Earth vs. Bush

Ahmad Faruqui
The Liberation of Iraq in Perspective

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We Bomb, They Suffer

 

 

March 22 / 23, 2003

Edward Said
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On the Road in the West Bank

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Ann Harrison
The Battle of San Francisco

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A Cauldron of Fire

Hani Shukrallah
The Gates of Hell

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Memory Lane

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Imagine Chicago Under This Kind of Attack

Ramzi Kysia
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Baghdad Burns While Bush Does Lunch

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Could the US be at War for Years?

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Mass Murder as Liberation?

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Jorge Mariscal
Johnny Mack, When Are You Coming Back?

Cindy Milstein
The Grassroots Go Global

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Blocking Portland's Bridges

Elaine Cassel
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March 21, 2003

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Blood for Oil: the Exchange Rate

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Fourth Generation Protesting: Shutting Down San Francisco

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March 20, 2003

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I Was a Soldier Once

Kevin Alexander Gray
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Predictions About the Iraq War

Douglas Herman
US Air Force Veteran on the Coming Air Campaign

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April 4, 2003

Israel's Bloody Excesses

Was Einstein Right?

By JOHN CHUCKMAN

"My awareness of the essential nature of Judaism resists the idea of a Jewish state with borders, an army, and a measure of temporal power, no matter how modest. I am afraid of the inner damage Judaism will sustain -- especially from the development of a narrow nationalism within our own ranks, against which we have already had to fight strongly, even without a Jewish state."

Albert Einstein

Einstein is one of my favorite twentieth-century characters. He was remarkable, and I don't mean only for his profound contributions to our understanding of the physical world. He was someone who drove authoritarians like J. Edgar Hoover mad. He was one of those rare souls, like George Orwell, who despite mistakes and flaws, consciously worked to direct his actions, and redirect them after missteps, by principles of decency, humanity, and rational thought. He never subscribed to menacing slogans like "My country, right or wrong" or "You're either with us or against us." Quite the opposite, he knew any country was capable of being wrong at times and did not deserve blind allegiance when it was.

Einstein's was one of the most important names lent to the cause of Zionism. His name and visits and letters raised a great deal of money towards establishing universities and resettling European Jews suffering under violent anti-Semitism long before the founding of Israel.

But even in a cause so dear to his heart, Einstein never stopped thinking for himself. He not only opposed the establishment of a formal Israeli state--he was after all a great internationalist--but he always advocated treating the Arabic people of Palestine with generosity and understanding.

Clearly Einstein's Zionist path was not the one followed. The actual path chosen by Israel has been pretty much that of "the iron wall," a phrase put forward by Ze'ev Jabotinsky in the 1920s as the appropriate posture for Zionists to adopt towards Arabs in Palestine.

Charles de Gaulle, up until the Six Day War, demonstrated great understanding and support for Israel. This thoughtful and highly individualistic statesman felt an instinctive sympathy for the struggle of the Jews, but the Six Day War caused him to alter France's policies towards the Jewish state.

The Six Day War was a much darker and more complex affair than it is portrayed in official Israeli myths. The war was not simply an attack by a gang of Arab states against Israel--a description which suggests not just Goliath, but the entire tribe of Philistines, attacking little David with his slingshot. While this is an appealing image, naturally arousing great sympathy in American Puritans raised on the Old Testament, it is not an accurate one. A fine Jewish scholar like Avi Shlaim, a specialist in the first half century of Israeli policy, recognizing that not all important documents bearing on the matter have been released, agrees there are doubts and ambiguities here rather than light and darkness.

Before the Six Day War, David Ben Gurion made it clear to de Gaulle and other western leaders that Israel wanted more land to absorb migrants. Before the war, Israel also high-handedly diverted water from the Jordan river, a hostile act in a water-short region and the kind of thing that caused more than one "range war" in America's Southwest.

A very tense situation arose with a surge in Soviet armaments to Arab states, although any knowledgeable observer understood that Israel continued to hold the upper hand in any potential conflict. A major diplomatic mission was undertaken by Abba Eban to gather support for Israel's intended violent response to Egypt's blockade of the Straits of Tiran. Just as we now have Bush's obdurate, hasty demand for war with Iraq, Eban made it clear that Israel had no stomach for diplomacy to end the blockade. The blockade meant war.

De Gaulle made a remarkably prescient observation to the Israeli government: "If Israel is attacked, we shall not let her be destroyed, but if you attack, we shall condemn your initiative. Of course, I have no doubt that you will have military successes in the event of war, but afterwards, you would find yourself committed on the terrain, and from the international point of view, in increasing difficulties, especially as war in the East cannot fail to increase a deplorable tension in the world, so that it will be you, having become the conquerors, who will gradually be blamed for the inconveniences."

De Gaulle also understood that Israel's behavior was nourishing nationalistic aspirations on the part of the Palestinians, a development Israel either greatly underestimated or chose to ignore, perhaps reflecting the arrogance of those supported by great power towards those without power. De Gaulle's advice was, of course, ignored. Israel managed easily to overwhelm the Arab states, as its leaders had known it would, and it has occupied a good portion of the territories seized ever since. It has ignored many quiet diplomatic voices on this matter. It has stood in contempt of UN resolutions for years. It has suffered innumerable guerilla attacks and launched innumerable reprisals, even starting a bloody war in Lebanon complete with atrocities. Israel finally came to toy with the notion of a Palestinian state but never made the genuine effort or concessions necessary to see this become a reality. It has, in short, fulfilled de Gaulle's warning of trouble more than thirty years ago.

The 9/11 attack on America, coming under the administration of perhaps the most aimless, blundering, and least informed president in American history, was a godsend for Israel's belligerent policy. The people Israel has occupied and mistreated for a third of a century are regarded by this American president as something akin to al Qaeda. We have even had trial balloons released by Republican figures like Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Armey concerning Israel's right to hold the land and drive out its people, although it is possible these represent pre-assault softening-up by Washington to make Palestinians grateful for a second pathetic offer of statehood now in the works, pathetic because it is impossible to imagine anything else being blessed by both Bush and Sharon.

Perhaps most revealing of the moral state to which Israel has been reduced since the Six Day War were preparations for Mr. Bush's war on Iraq. All Israeli citizens were issued gas masks. A debate and legal moves centered around whether foreign workers, of which there are large numbers, should also receive gas masks. If they wanted gas masks, they must rent or buy them, and the masks available for rental were those considered as expired and unsuitable for Israelis. In families of mixed marriages, apparently spouses who remain unregistered under Israel's now more restrictive registration requirements, do not receive gas masks. Most Palestinians under Israeli occupation are not issued gas masks, it being considered the responsibility of the broken Palestinian Authority, almost without resources, to look after this.

There is something especially repugnant in establishing a hierarchy of people whose safety should be the responsibility of the state, and the various adjustments made to this hierarchy in the face of criticism hardly reflect humane policies.

In recent months, not a week passes in which Israel's army does not kill fifteen or twenty Palestinians. Often, this many are killed in a day or two. These killings are generally reported as the deaths of "militants," although we have no way of determining the legitimacy of that term. We do know that quite a number of people who cannot possibly be characterized as militants, including women and children and peaceful foreign observers, have been killed by Israeli soldiers. Of course, even those who might justifiably be called militants are in their view only putting up a pathetic defense of their homes against Merkava tanks and Apache helicopters.

The assassination of suspected terrorists is now an accepted, ordinary event in Palestine, and Mr. Bush has granted Israel the right to extend this violence to America territory. Mr. Sharon's secret services have conducted scores of assassinations. Perhaps assassination is the wrong word since it is generally used to describe the killing of a high-level political opponent. Mr. Sharon's bloody work is precisely that of a police force murdering, instead of arresting, criminal suspects by the score.

At this writing, as America bombs and burns its way through Iraq, Israel has again rolled out its bulldozers and tanks into Gaza--killing, wrecking, and making many improper arrests. Most horrifying is what Israel is doing to Bedouin farmers in the Negev desert. Israel has used crop dusters spraying poisonous chemicals to destroy the Bedouin crops. The charge is that they are illegal squatters--a remarkable accusation coming from those who still hold lands seized in 1967 and regularly build new settlements on them for brand-new, heavily-armed immigrants.

Defenders of Israel's excesses in the United States have been driven to advocate policies as chilling as creating a legal framework for torturing terrorist suspects in the United States and Israel's undertaking the cold-blooded reprisal killing of the families of desperate suicide bombers. These are powerful measures of the corrupting long-term effects of the Six Day War and Israel's determination to retain control over much or all of the seized land.

Regrettably, Einstein appears to have been right about what Israel had the potential for becoming. No person of principle can support Israel's present policies, and I believe there is little doubt that would include Einstein had he lived. Perhaps it is just as well he did not.

John Chuckman lives in Canada. He can be reached at: chuckman@counterpunch.org

Today's Features

Uri Avnery
A Crooked Mirror: Presstitution and the Theater of Operations

David Vest
Can You Hear the Silence?

Anthony Gancarski
Colin Powell Telemarketer

David Lindorff
Takoma: the Dolphin Who Refused to Fight

Michael Roberts
War, Debts and Deficits

Ramzy Baroud
Now That Iraqis Are Being Killed Is Israel Any More Secure?

Jo Wilding
From Baghdad with Tears

Anton Antonowicz
Cluster Bombs on Babylon

Alison Weir
Israel, We Won't Forget Rachel Corrie

Bruce Jackson
Hating Wolf Blitzer's Voice

Eliot Katz
War's First Week

Steve Perry
War Web Log 04/03

 

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