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A Special Report on the Presidential Elections Exclusively in the Print Edition CounterPunch

How Progressive Challenges Have Been Killed Off Since LBJ; Gagging Fanny Lou Hamer; Eugene McCarthy on "a Peasants Rebellion;" Sabotaging McGovern; The Wreck of Jesse Jackson's Rainbow Coalition; Smearing Nader, Not Once But Three Times: by Alexander Cockburn; The Thieves of the Green Zone by Patrick Cockburn; Murder in Mississippi: Could John Doar Have Saved Cheney, Schwerner & Goodman by David Kotz. In May, CounterPunch Online was read by over 20 million viewers! But remember, we are funded solely by the subscribers to the print edition of CounterPunch. Please support this website by buying a subscription to our newsletter, which contains fresh material you won't find anywhere else, or by making a donation for the online edition. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a (tax deductible) donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now!

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Today's Stories

July 15, 2004

Bill Christison
Reorganize the CIA? Of Course, But...

 

July 14, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
Chronicle of a Nomination Foretold: the Green Deceivers

Neve Gordon
Of Socrates and the Apartheid Wall

Diane Christian
The Priesthood of Death

Stefan Wray
Who Benefits from Missing Data at Los Alamos Nuclear Lab?

Josh Frank
The Nader / Dean Debate

Conn Hallinan
Divide and Conquer as Imperial Rules

Elizabeth Weill-Greenberg
Bring My Brother Home!: Class, War and Education

Website of the Day
Hijacking Catastrophe: 9/11, Fear and the Selling of US Empire

 

July 13, 2004

Ray McGovern
The CIA and Iraq: an Intelligence Debacle...and Worse

Mark Donham
The Sierra Club's Inexplicable Treatment of Cynthia McKinney

Ben Tripp
Politus Interruptis: With Friends Like These, Who Needs Electorates?

Mark Gaffney
Slipping Towards Armageddon: Israel in Iraq

Dave Lindorff
Osama Wins! Election Postponed!

Chris White
Double Think: the Bedrock of Marine Indoctrination

 

July 10 / 12, 2004

Kathleen Christison
The Problem with Neutrality Between Palestinians and Israel

Janine Pommy Vega
Trail of the Comet: a Gathering of the World's Poets Against War

Sherry Wolf
From Maverick to Party Attack Dog: Howard Dean Gay-Bashes Nader

Saul Landau and Farrah Hassen
A Transfer of Power, Sort Of

Michael Donnelly
How to Steal an Election: the Green Version, 2004

Stanton / Madsen
Iraq Survey Group: Rumsfeld's al-Qaeda?

Richard Lichtman
The End of Innocence: Reflections on American Pathology

Gila Svirsky
Thank You, Your Honors: a Legal Blow to the Wall

Kurt Nimmo
Clinton's Life

Toni Solo
Empire-Speak: What Roger Noriega Really Means

Ron Jacobs
The Black Panthers and the Rest

Camelo Ruiz Marrero
Gene Warfare in Oaxaca: Genetic Mutation of Mexican Maize

Omar Barghouti
Wither the Empire: Rise of a Global Resistance

Poets' Basement
Curtis and Albert

 

July 9, 2004

Dave Zirin
Carlos Delgado on Deck: Blue Jays Slugger Stands Up Against War

Justin Delacour
Wishing Kerry Would Shut Up About Latin America

Robert Fisk
Iraq in Reverse: Martial Laws Fuel Insurgency

Boris Kagarlitsky
Two Congresses and a Funeral

William S. Lind
The October Surprises

Sibel Edmonds
Our Broken System: John Ashcroft's War on Truth

Ron Jacobs
Reading Tea Leaves: What Vietnam Tells Us About Iraq's Future

Gary Leupp
The Lie That Will Not Die: Cheney and the Iraq/al-Qaeda Link

 

July 8, 2004

Niranjan Ramakrishnan
The Inexplicable John McCain

Toufic Haddad
Protesting Israel's Apartheid Wall: a Letter from the Hunger Strikers' Tent

Dave Lindorff
Liberation as Martial Law

Joshua Frank
The Fall: How Beltway Dems Sank Howard Dean

Christopher Brauchli
Bush & Cheney Play the Hitler Card

James Petras
The Truth About Jimmy Carter

 

July 7, 2004

John Chuckman
Kerry's BBQ: a Deafening Silence of Meaning

Virginia Tilley
A Line in the Sand: Azmi Bishara's Hunger Strike

Susan Martinez
A Letter to Bill Cosby

Mickey Z
Elie Wiesel's Strange Parade

Michael Donnelly
Our Own Private Wilderness: Trusting the Land in the Inland Empire

Sean Donahue
Boston Social Forum: the Dems aren't the Only Show in Beantown

Diane Christian
Sovereignty and Freedom in Iraq

 

July 6, 2004

Lisa Viscidi
Fleeing Guatemala: Central Americans Risk Lives to Reach El Norte

Marc Norton
The Felonious Five Ride Again: the Supreme Court and Enemy Combatants

James Brooks
Chemical Warfare on the West Bank?

Ray McGovern
Porter Goss as CIA Director?

William Cook
Legacy of Deceit: If Dante Knew of Bush and the Neo-Cons...

 

July 5, 2004

Forrest Hylton
US Imperialism in Latin America: Sept. 11, July 4 and Systematic Torture

Chris White
A Former Marine Sgt. on the Meaning of Independence Day

Joe Bageant
Cranky Reflections on the 4th of July

Robert Jensen
Stupid White Movie: What Michael Moore Misses About the Empire

Kathy Kelly
"Two Days an' a Wake-Up"

 

July 3 / 4, 2004

Elaine Cassel
Bush's Police State and Independence Day

Stan Goff
ABC of Opportunism: "Progressive" Latin American Leaders Support the Coup in Haiti

Snehal Shingavi
"We Want Real Justice for Bhopal": Two Survivors Speak Out

Bruce Anderson
The Cheney-Leahy Metaphor and the Greens

Sharon Smith
Twilight of the Greens: the Chokehold of "Anybody But Bush"

Josh Frank
Ralph Nader's Revolt: an Interview with Greg Bates

Robert Fisk
Pentagon Tried to Censor Saddam's Hearing

Joe Bageant
Sons of a Laboring God: Leftnecks Unite!

Brian Cloughley
Fortress Bush and the One Law Doctrine

Justin Delacour
The Anti-Chavez Echo Chamber: Venezuela's Media Tycoons

William S. Lind
Saudi Spillover

Linda S. Heard
A Joke Called "Justice"

Greg Moses
"It's Illegal, But It's Our Right": Korean Labor Won't Back Down

Ron Jacobs
"Ain't You Proud to be White on Independence Day?"

Toni Solo
Weary of Indigenous Resistances? Just Pretend They're Not There

Dan Nagengast
Chicken Manure as Cattle Food: Safe, But Do We Want to Eat It?

Stew Albert
Brando, a Personal Recollection

Dave Zirin
From the Black Panthers to Sacheen Littlefeather: a Eulogy for Our Brando

Patrick W. Gavin
The Progressive Case for Dodgeball

Steven Rosenthal / Junaid Ahmad
The Problem is Bigger Than the Bushes: a Review of F911

Poets' Basement
Kearney, Ford and Davies

Website of the Day
Global Peace Solution

 

July 2, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
Suicide Right on the Stage: the Demise of the Green Party

Douglas Valentine
Fahrenheit 911: Mocking the Moral Crisis of Capitalism

Gary Leupp
"Just Because I Could": On Obscenities and Opportunities

Lee Ballinger
Illegal People: Kerry Opposes Immigrant Rights

Robert Fisk
Saddam in the Dock: Confused? Hardly

CounterPunch Wire
"What Law Formed This Court?": a Transcript of Saddam's Arraignment

Christopher Brauchli
Bush's Drug Card Lottery: the Price Ain't Right

Saul Landau
Buzz Words and Venezuela


July 1, 2004

Katherine van Wormer
Bush's Damaged Mind: the Madness in His Method

Joe Bageant
Is Our President a Whackjob? Does It Matter?

William James Martin
The Dogma of Richard Perle

Dave Lindorff
Bush's Evacuation Moment

Robert Fisk
Bread and Circus Trials in Iraq

Alan Maass
Green Party in Reverse

Website of the Day
Michael Moore and Israel: Blind or a Coward?

 

June 30, 2004

Kurt Nimmo
Nicholson Baker's Checkpoint: a New Kind of Anger About Bush

Tariq Ali
Getting Away with Murder in Iraq

Jennifer Van Bergen
Bush and the Detainees

Douglas Valentine
Apotheosis of the Psychopaths: Instead of Fahrenheit 9/11, Rescreen The Quiet American

David Price
Fahrenheit 9/11 Through the McCain-Feingold Looking Glass

Roger Normand
America's Criminal Occupation of Iraq

Stan Cox
Sanitized for Your Protection: Ashcroft's War on Art

Henry David Thoreau
On the Futility of Bush v. Kerry: All Voting is a Kind of Gaming

Ben Tripp
Who Dast Call Him Liar: a Rebuttal to Nicholas Kristof

 

 

June 29, 2004

Patrick Cockburn
The Cloak-and-Dagger Handover

Robert Fisk
Alice in an Iraqi Wonderland

Troy Selvaratnam
New York Times Boosts Pet Developer

Harry Browne
Bush in Ireland

Ray McGovern
The CIA According to Anonymous

Elaine Cassel
Hamdi, Padilla & Rasul: Who Really Won?

 

June 28, 2004

Patrick Cockburn / Leyla Linton
Grisly Rituals in Iraq

Amira Hass
Confronting Myths and Deadly Power

 

June 26 / 27, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Venezuela: the Gang's All Here

Patrick Cockburn
Iyad Allawi, the CIA's New Stooge in Iraq

Dennis Hans
Once They Were Sweethearts: Cheney, the NYTs and the Myth of an Iraq Link to 9/11

Ben Tripp
Adventures in Fuel Efficiency

Dave Lindorff
That State Department Terrorism Report: What They Knew, But Didn't Tell You

Chris Floyd
Cold Irons Bound: the Russian Gambit

Ali Tonak
Contamination at Berkeley: Profit Motives, Academic Freedom and the Case of Ignacio Chapela

Keith Rosenthal
The Withering of the Anti-War Movement

Bryan Sacks
The Failure of the 9/11 Commission

Wayne Madsen
Another Case of Blowback

Thomas St. John
L. Frank Baum, Racist: Indian-Hating in the Wizard of Oz

Niranjan Ramakrishnan
American Swadeshi

 

 

June 25, 2004

Stephen Gowans
US to North Korea: "Trust Us"

Saul Landau
2006 Pentagon Budget as Sacrilege: Bush Invests the National Treasure in Death and Destruction

Amir Butler
Iraq: the Deadly Embrace

Jack McCarthy
Another Times Plagiarism Scandal? Did Maureen Dowd Lift from the World Weekly News?

Greg Bates
Chomsky and Zinn Plan to Vote Nader

 

 

 

June 24, 2004

Gary Leupp
John Lehman on the Iraq / al-Qaeda Links

Patrick Cockburn
A Day in the Life of Col. Abu Mohammed: Defusing Bombs, Facing Death Threats

Harry Browne
On the Rebound: Bush Bounces Back...in Europe

Bill Kaufman
Another Marxist for Kerry: Joel Kovel's Sad Smear of Ralph Nader

Christopher Brauchli
Bush, Cheney and the 9/11 Commission: What Did They Know? What Did They Tell?

Rick Gioimbetti
Andrea Yates: Victim of Psychiatric Violence?

John Chuckman
Call Center ID Hypocrisy

Diana Johnstone
Kerry and Kosovo: the Lie of a "Good War"

 

 

June 23, 2004

Laura Carlsen
Bush and Castro Face Off

Dave Zirin
Barry Bonds vs. Boston: "A Flea Market of Racism"

Kurt Nimmo
From Saddam, With Love

Patricia Wolff
Foundation Wars

Mahboob A. Khawaja
"They Had Me Arrested and Shackled My Son"

Patrick Cockburn
The Pretense of an Independent Iraq

Website of the Day
The Road to Abu Ghraib

 

June 22, 2004

Dave Lindorff
The Meaning of Putin's Pronouncement: Mutually Assured Pre-emption

Ron Jacobs
Nuclear Plants in US Protectorate of Iraq?

Vanessa Jones
Coogee, Peter Garrett and Valium Earrings

Mickey Z
An Open Letter to the People of Iraq

John L. Hess
Clinton Exhales

Pedro Marset/Ex-Solidarity Committee for Pacho Cortés
An Exchange on the Case of Pacho Cortés

Bruce Jackson
Saying No to Prosecutors: Why Steve Kurtz's Colleagues Refused to Testify

Website of the Day
From Boot Camp to Boot Hill

 

June 21, 2004

Gary Leupp
Putin's Helpful Remarks

Lucson Pierre-Charles
Haiti After the Press Went Home: Chaos Upon Chaos

Cockburn / Khan
Saddam May Face Death Penalty

Uri Avnery
Irreversible Mental Damage

 

 

June 19 / 20, 2004

Patrick Cockburn
Inside the Green Zone: US is Paranoid and Isolated

Bruce Anderson
Frozen Gringos

Diane Christian
Morality and Death: a Meditation on Bush and Blake

Walter A. Davis
Passion of the Christ in Abu Ghraib

Josh Frank
How Democrats Helped Bush Rape Mother Nature

Col. Dan Smith
Respectable Genocide?: the Crisis in Sudan

Brian Cloughley
A Profound Disruption of the Senses

Christopher Brauchli
Bush and the Timken Plant, a Year Later

Prudence Crowther
Mr. Ashcroft, Deport Me!

Poets' Basement
Iqbal/Alam, Krieger and Albert

Kathy Kelly
Dying to See Their Kids

 

 

June 18, 2004

Chris Floyd
Blood Victory

Dave Zirin
Danielle Green, Basketball Player & Disabled Vet, Speaks Out Against War

Justin E.H. Smith
The Christian Question in American Politics

Gary Leupp
The "Long-Established" Link?: Iraq, al-Qaeda, and al-Zarqawi

 

June 17, 2004

Noel Ignatiev
Zionism, Anti-Semitism and the People of Palestine

Kurt Nimmo
The Bush-Kerry Conundrum

Ed Cardoni
The Persecution of Steve Kurtz

Ron Jacobs
Power Relations: Rounding Up Everyone Who Knows More Than They Do

Dave Lindorff
Philly Daily News: "Four Wasted Years"

Greg Moses
Geneva Ignored

Norm Dixon
How Reagan Armed Saddam with Chemical Weapons

 

 

June 18, 2004

Noel Ignatiev
Zionism, Anti-Semitism and the People of Palestine

Kurt Nimmo
The Bush-Kerry Conundrum

Ed Cardoni
The Persecution of Steve Kurtz

Ron Jacobs
Power Relations: Rounding Up Everyone Who Knows More Than They Do

Dave Lindorff
Philly Daily News: "Four Wasted Years"

Greg Moses
Geneva Ignored

Norm Dixon
How Reagan Armed Saddam with Chemical Weapons

 

 

June 16, 2004

Lenni Brenner
A Question for Kerry Supporters

Davey D
Hip Hop Reflections on Reagan

Daniel Wolff
Why Did Michael Moore Withhold Video Evidence of US Prisoner Abuse?

Bruce Jackson
Harry Levin and the Penultimate Manuscript of Finnegans Wake

Patrick Cockburn
Boom! Boom! Out Go the Lights: Bombings Target Oil and Power Facilities

Gary Handschumacher
Mourn Ben Linder, Not His Killer: Reagan's Death Squads

JG
Turning Haiti into One Big Sweatshop

Mario Benedetti
Obituary with Cheers

Vicente Navarro
Meet the New Head of the IMF: Who is Rodrigo Rato?

Website of the Day
Iraqi Oil Revenue Watch

 

 

June 15, 2004

Harry Browne
Ireland Adds a Brick to Fortress Europe

Neve Gordon
The Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited

David Palmer
Richard Armitage, Abu Ghraib and CACI

John Blair
Lovelock's Misguided Call: Nukes Are No Solution to Global Warming

Dave Lindorff
God Wins in TKO

Bill Quigley
Blood-Pouring Peace Activists: State Charges Dropped; Feds Step In

Patrick Cockburn
Carbombs and Street Dances: 13 More Killed in Baghdad Blast

John Chuckman
John Kerry, Political Placebo

 

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July 15, 2004

Reorganize the CIA?

Of Course, But Bad US Policies Will Outweigh Any Benefits

By BILL CHRISTISON
Former CIA analyst

Most of the suggestions proposed for reorganizing the CIA ignore two serious problems -- the vital need to set up, somewhere in the government, a group of intelligence analysts truly independent of each and every administration, and the equally important need for stricter controls and limitations on covert operations directed by the U.S. government.

Let's start by accepting that George Tenet's resignation was a good thing. He let himself be co-opted and too often told the Bush administration what it wanted to hear. He gave his superiors selective information that would strengthen their existing desire to invade Iraq rather than a balanced picture of the variety of analytical views within the intelligence community on Iraq's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs. He did not do this all of the time, but he did do it too much of the time. He got too close to the policymakers and tried too hard to please them. His calling it a "slam-dunk" (as reported by Bob Woodward) that Iraq did indeed possess WMD in the fall of 2002, is all the evidence required to reach this conclusion. But there is more, much more.

The best way to avoid the problems created by such co-option of CIA directors in the future would be to split off the Agency's analytical unit entirely from its covert operations -- that is, to create two separate agencies with different directors. Having one person in charge of both analysis and operations creates enormous conflicts, and it is impossible for any CIA director to do both jobs equally well.

The covert operations carried out by the CIA, both information collection and covert actions designed to influence the policies of other governments, actually are and have to be part of the U.S. policymaking and policy-implementing establishment. The intelligence analysis functions, on the other hand, should be separated to the maximum degree possible from policymaking and should never be distorted or falsified in order to support policies already desired by any administration.

This is not a new problem. The CIA was established in 1947, and pressures on it to provide analyses strengthening the pre-existing views of policymakers go back at least to the early 1950s, on issues such as the Sino-Soviet split and the Korean war, and later the bomber gap, the missile gap, the Vietnam war, Soviet military and economic strengths, and even the reasons for the USSR's final collapse. If the administration of George W. Bush introduced anything new into the mix, it was only the intensity and ruthlessness with which its ideologues bulldozed aside any opposition to their own views and their own so-called "evidence" and "analysis."

All the other 14 agencies of the intelligence community are part of one or another government department -- most of them are in the Defense Department. Their analyses inevitably reflect the views of their departments and therefore have often contained a degree, sometimes small but always significant, of distortion and falsification. This sin of departmental intelligence is endemic in bureaucracies. It can never be totally eradicated, only minimized. Unfortunately, the Bush administration made the problem far worse by setting up in the Defense Department a new office -- the Office of Special Plans, or OSP. The specific task of this office was to search out and highlight only those bits and pieces of evidence, fragmentary and unreliable though they might be, that would support the case for war against Iraq and encourage the Congress and the people of the U.S. to support a war. Never before in U.S. history has there been such a blatant and concentrated -- and successful -- effort to distort intelligence analysis. In its July 9 report on the intelligence failures surrounding the Iraq debacle, the Senate Intelligence Committee failed, incredibly, to discuss the role of the OSP in manufacturing evidence justifying war.

The success of the OSP demonstrates more than anything else the need for a new and separate analytical intelligence agency, one having both great independence and high stature. The director of this body should therefore be appointed to a ten-year term. This would insulate him or her to an important degree from control by any administration. The underlying requirement here should be to provide the U.S. government with an analytical intelligence unit capable of acting as a powerful check or balance to any administration's preconceived foreign policies. Other intelligence agencies should continue to produce and disseminate any reports they wish, but the new agency, having greater independence and access to all sources, would have primary responsibility both for producing reports on its own initiative and for answering requests for analyses from the White House and Congress.

Let's move on to the second issue, U.S. covert operations. What is important, but is apparently not being seriously addressed in Washington these days, is to make sure that the top leaders of our government take explicit responsibility for all covert operations that are carried out.

The principal guidelines should be that the new covert operations organization established after the split-up of the CIA would be under civilian, not military, control; and the Defense Department should carry out no covert operations except those that are integral parts of war-fighting activities and are carried out as part of a war declared by the Congress.

All covert operations other than those defined above as being allowed to the Defense Department should be carried out only by the new organization. In addition, all operations should be approved in writing by the president, by the chairmen and ranking minority members of the three House and three Senate committees on foreign affairs, military affairs, and intelligence, and by the chief justice of the Supreme Court as well. Covert operations are so important, and should be so exceptional, that henceforth all three branches of government -- executive, legislative, and judicial -- should be part of the approval process for such operations. If assigning such a function to the Supreme Court could be achieved only through a constitutional amendment, then we should seek such an amendment.

* * * * * * *

When presuming to suggest how the United States might change its intelligence apparatus, it is necessary to raise a few more propositions for debate, propositions that go well beyond the U.S. intelligence structure into broader foreign policy issues.

Proposition One: No conceivable expansion of our intelligence establishment is going to do much to reduce the threat of terrorism against the U.S. and its allies. Therefore, Americans should oppose any such expansion.

Proposition Two: No conceivable reorganization of the U.S. intelligence establishment is going to reduce the threat of terrorism against us more than marginally. Reorganizations may or may not provide some benefits of greater efficiency or protect us to some degree from rogue administrations, but meaningful contributions toward a more peaceful planet are unlikely.

Proposition Three: The absolutely critical reason that intelligence won't help much to stop terrorism is that U.S. foreign and military policies are wrong. These include, most importantly, the various means employed by the U.S. to extend and strengthen its domination over the rest of the world. These foreign policies have increased rather than decreased the threat of terrorism against us and our allies. Other specifics of U.S policies, which are related to the goal of global domination and also increase the threat of terrorism, are our one-sided support of Israel's occupation of Palestinian territories, the invasion and occupation of Iraq and the preceding years of sanctions, the large U.S. military presence in many parts of the Middle East and Central Asia, and the pursuit of a U.S. version of economic globalization that is seen by many peoples of the world as a weapon in our drive for global domination and is even today continuing to widen the gap between rich and poor in many countries.

Proposition Four: Nothing we could do in expanding or reorganizing the U.S. intelligence apparatus would have as much effect on reducing the terrorism threat as would changing policies that intensify hatred of the U.S. around the world. But the striking similarities between Republicans and Democrats on foreign policy issues work to prevent change.

Proposition Five: The fact that only 5 percent of the world's population resides in the U.S. means that we simply cannot dominate the rest of the world for long. The very effort of the U.S. to seek global domination is anti-democratic in the eyes of most of the world's people, who do not want to be dominated by the U.S. In addition, the drive for global domination will over time impoverish many average people here in the U.S., who see their hopes for better healthcare and education, and for lifetime living wages, fading farther and farther into a future they will never live to see.

Proposition Six: To put it bluntly, U.S. foreign policies for far too long have been simply immoral, and the U.S. has been responsible for allowing, encouraging, and enabling far too much torture and far too many deaths, deaths totaling in the millions -- in areas from Indochina to East Timor in the Far East; to Chile and Central America in our own hemisphere; to the Balkans, Turkey, and South Africa; to Palestine; to Iran, and now to Afghanistan and Iraq.


* * * * * *

In this context of misguided, shortsighted, and unjust U.S. foreign policies, let's take another, and final, look at the role of intelligence in our system of government.

The real question with regard to intelligence is this: Are the major additional expansions of this country's intelligence apparatus that are already clearly on the drawing boards necessary and proper because of what happened on September 11, 2001 and subsequently? One side in the debate says of course they are. Aren't the increases absolutely essential, given the threats we face? The answer, according to this side, is clearly yes.

But there is another side -- to which this writer belongs -- that says no. Events since September 11 so threaten our own society that we should oppose such expansions and urge cutbacks in intelligence spending instead. This side asks: Should not the use of covert operations by the U.S. be curtailed rather than expanded? Don't covert operations usually wind up not staying covert, and don't they often become a cause for more terrorism?

As intelligence and covert actions become increasingly important as a separate and growing arm of U.S. global policies, should not questions be raised by Americans themselves about the ignoble image of the U.S. this trend presents to the world? Do we lack so much confidence in our own overt policies -- our alleged support for democracy, for example -- that we have to rely increasingly on covert actions and military force to implement them?

Bill Christison was a senior official of the CIA. He served as a National Intelligence Officer and as Director of the CIA's Office of Regional and Political Analysis. He can be reached at christison@counterpunch.org.



Weekend Edition Features for July 10 / 12, 2004

Kathleen Christison
The Problem with Neutrality Between Palestinians and Israel

Janine Pommy Vega
Trail of the Comet: a Gathering of the World's Poets Against War

Sherry Wolf
From Maverick to Party Attack Dog: Howard Dean Gay-Bashes Nader

Saul Landau and Farrah Hassen
A Transfer of Power, Sort Of

Michael Donnelly
How to Steal an Election: the Green Version, 2004

Stanton / Madsen
Iraq Survey Group: Rumsfeld's al-Qaeda?

Richard Lichtman
The End of Innocence: Reflections on American Pathology

Gila Svirsky
Thank You, Your Honors: a Legal Blow to the Wall

Kurt Nimmo
Clinton's Life

Toni Solo
Empire-Speak: What Roger Noriega Really Means

Ron Jacobs
The Black Panthers and the Rest

Camelo Ruiz Marrero
Gene Warfare in Oaxaca: Genetic Mutation of Mexican Maize

Omar Barghouti
Wither the Empire: Rise of a Global Resistance

Poets' Basement
Curtis and Albert

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