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Amazing Plan Surfaces: "We Need Ethno-Weapons!" David Price tells how top-flight US anthropologists eagerly obeyed US government's mandate to "think in a-moral terms". One scheme of OSS's willing executioners: target Japanese physical "weak spot", the respiratory tract, with anthrax germs. Gabriel Kolko asks What's so New About the Neo-Cons? If they had not existed, would the policies have been the same? Jeffrey St Clair digs up more dirt on Halliburton's secret history. Alexander Cockburn on why we need more "celebrity justice". Get the answers you're looking for in the latest subscriber-only edition of CounterPunch ... CounterPunch Online is read by millions of viewers each month! But remember, we are funded solely by the subscribers to the print edition of CounterPunch. Please support this website by buying a subscription to our newsletter, which contains fresh material you won't find anywhere else, or by making a donation for the online edition. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! or write CounterPunch, PO BOX 228, Petrolia, CA 95558 |
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Other Lands Have Dreams: From Baghdad to Pekin Prison by KATHY KELLY ![]() Today's Stories July 9 / 10, 2005 Sheldon
Rampton July 8, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Tariq
Ali Monica
Benderman Rick
Jahnkow Christopher
Brauchli Kim
Peterson Joshua
Frank Norman
Solomon Website
of the Day
July 7, 2005 Cockburn
/ St. Clair John
Walsh Mike
Marqusee Gilad
Atzmon Nicole
Colson Jack
Random Norman
Solomon Len
Colodny Cockburn
/ St. Clair
July 6, 2005 Elaine
Cassel Sean
Donahue Jeremy
R. Hammond Joshua
Frank Ali
Khan Michael
Dickinson Norman
Solomon Dave
Zirin Gary
Leupp Website
of the Day
July 5, 2005 Behrooz
Ghamari Elaine
Cassel Ron
Jacobs Bob
Libal Dr.
Peter Rost Mark
Engler Gideon
Levy Dave
Zirin Sameer
Dossani
July 2 / 4, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Lenni
Brenner Laura
Carlsen James
Petras William
A. Cook Brian
Cloughley Saul
Landau Tom
Crumpacker Greg
Moses Dr.
Susan Block Fran
Shor Fred
Gardner Moshe
Adler David
Model Seth
Sandronsky Ramzy
Baroud Suzan
Mazur Ben
Tripp Justin
Taylor Brendan
Bailey Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
July 1, 2005 Christopher
Brauchli Pat
Williams Gary
Leupp John
Stauber John
Chuckman Justicia
y Paz Cockburn
/ St. Clair
June 30, 2005 Kathy
Kelly John
Stauber Virginia
Rodino Jason
Leopold Dave
Lindorff Greg
Moses Norman
Solomon Joshua
Frank Alexander
Cockburn
June 29, 2005 Mike
Schaefer Roger
Burbach / Paul Cantor Sharon
Smith Sam
Husseini John
Stauber Ahmad
Faruqui Linda
S. Heard Stew
Albert Ray
McGovern
June 28, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Landau
/ Hassen John
A. Murphy Mike
Whitney CounterPunch
News Service Dave
Zirin Dave
Lindorff Patrick
Cockburn
June 27, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Mike
Marqusee Mark
Scaramella Leigh
Saavedra Kathy
Kelly June 25 / 26, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Jennifer
Van Bergen George
Corsetti Mark
Chmiel / Andrew Wimmer Kevin
Zeese P.
Sainath John
Stauber Scott
Handleman Tom
Barry John
Walsh Justin
E.H. Smith Alan
Wallis Ben
Tripp Frederick
B. Hudson Poets'
Basement
June 24, 2005 Ray
McGovern Jorge
Mariscal Desiree
Hellegers Zeynep
Toufe Joshua
Frank David
Lindorff Michael
Neumann Website
of the Day June 23, 2005 Christopher
Brauchli Clay
Conrad Standard
Schaefer P.
Sainath Mark
Engler Norman
Solomon Cockburn
/ St. Clair Kathy
Kelly
June 22, 2005 Kevin
Zeese William
S. Lind Arsalan
Iftikhar Dan
Nagengast David
Krieger Kathleen
& Bill Christison
June 21, 2005 Brian Cloughley Mike Whitney Dave Lindorff Mark Weisbrot Matthew R.
Simmons Dave Zirin Virginia Rodino Paul Craig
Roberts
June 20, 2005 Alan Maass Tariq Ali Mickey Z. William Blum Gary Leupp Jason Leopold Dave Lindorff Alan Maass Uri Avnery Website of
the Day
Hot Stories Alexander Cockburn Subcomandante
Marcos Norman Finkelstein Steve Niva Dardagan,
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J.B. Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber Wendell
Berry CounterPunch
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July 9 / 10, 2005 An Opportunity or Just More Handwringing from the Peace Movement?Hiroshima's 60th Anniversary and Crunch-time for Nukes in IranBy
BILL CHRISTISON
Two events involving nuclear weapons may happen more or less simultaneously this summer. Those of us interested in peace ought to use the likely coincidence of these events to catch the attention of all people who, like us, enjoy having our species described, often undeservedly, as sapiens. One event, the 60th anniversary of the nuclear bombing of Hiroshima, occurs on August 6, 2005. The date commemorates a never-to-be-forgotten act of U.S. terrorism that -- along with the bombing three days later of Nagasaki -- is still glorified by most citizens of this country as having brought victory over Japan in the shortest possible time with the fewest possible casualties. The thinking in the U.S., of course, is largely limited to U.S. casualties. The hundreds of thousands of non-American civilians killed and maimed are easily rationalized and ignored, as self-centered Americans have done on numerous other occasions in their history. The second event as yet lacks a specific date, but when and if it happens, it will be a series of large-scale military actions intended to destroy the capability of Iran to produce its own nuclear weapons. Chances are that these attacks will occur shortly before or after August 6, and, if they do, the U.S. will either instigate them directly or participate in them by proxy. The "by proxy" possibility arises because Israel may actually order its own air, missile, and naval forces to carry out the deed, with the implicit -- and possibly explicit -- approval of the U.S. Early in 2005, Vice President Richard Cheney said publicly that Israel "might well decide to act first" to destroy Iran's nuclear program. He added that the Israelis would let the rest of the world "worry about cleaning up the diplomatic mess afterward." Cheney certainly did not appear overly concerned about having to "clean up" for Israel. He made these remarks on the Don Imus show on Inauguration Day, obviously as a deliberate threat meant for wide public consumption. It would be risky to assume that the threat was only a threat. It should be noted that at the same time as we threaten Iran, the U.S. is acting with extreme hypocrisy in planning to design and produce new types of nuclear weapons for its own arsenal, and shows no objection to Israel's continuing efforts to expand its nuclear weapons and delivery capabilities. Other governments and peoples are well aware of this hypocrisy. Furthermore, the Bush administration, privately supported by many Democrats, adamantly refuses to move even an inch toward serious negotiations on reducing its own nuclear capabilities, as called for in the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), which was ratified by the U.S. and entered into force 35 years ago. The U.S. also refuses to encourage Israel to join a Middle East nuclear-free zone that would include both Israel and the Muslim states of the region. Today the NPT is a dead letter, mainly because the original compromise that induced many nations to support it stipulated that the non-nuclear powers who signed agreed not to pursue nuclear weapons, IF the present owners of nuclear weapons would agree to work seriously toward reducing and finally eliminating their own weapons. It is true that India, Pakistan, and Israel refused from the start to sign the treaty, but most other nations went along. North Korea originally signed, but recently renounced, the treaty. Now, however, the old compromise seems irretrievably broken. Other nations are unlikely to advertise their plans, but will feel under pressure quietly to turn their own thoughts toward developing nuclear weapons. The head-in-sand attitude of many Americans that we are exceptional and can do anything while ignoring others has probably already lost us the battle against a further and unrestrained spread of nuclear weapons. Assuming no change in U.S. and Israeli nuclear policies, what is likely to happen in Iran? First, without a full conquest and long-term ground occupation of Iran by many hundreds of thousands of U.S. troops, Iran will never give up its intention to acquire nuclear weapons. Iran's population is pushing 68,000,000, and Israel's is one-tenth that size, no more than 6,500,000. It is impossible to believe that an Iranian government would willingly accept a permanent status of having no nuclear weapons while Israel has several hundred and is backed by a United States having thousands. Air and naval attacks with conventional weapons may be able to postpone the day when Iran acquires nukes, but they cannot permanently prevent that day from coming. Furthermore, bear in mind that if it takes 125,000-150,000 U.S. troops to occupy Iraq with its 24,000,000 people two years after the initial invasion, it will take two-and-a-half or three times that many troops to occupy Iran. Will Iranian casualties, and U.S. casualties, also be two-and-a-half or three times higher? Even George Bush should fear that such an occupation could not last for six months without a collapse of domestic support for his administration. But given his willingness to use force to dominate other nations (forget the propaganda about democracy -- domination is indeed what he wants), who can say for sure that he will not try to occupy Iran whatever the difficulties? Beyond occupation is a final, more extreme possibility: an offensive rather than defensive "first use" of nuclear weapons by either the U.S. or Israel not only to destroy Iran's nuclear facilities and kill many Iranians, but also to show Iranians that further resistance is hopeless. Such acts of terrorism -- although the government itself would certainly not use that word are allowable under the Bush administration's current nuclear strategy, just as they were under the 1945 rules. In the case of Iran and whatever Iran has done or not done, to believe that the present U.S. government would actually launch a nuclear attack on that country, or acquiesce in Israel's doing so, seems inconceivable. It is, nevertheless, a possibility that cannot be excluded. Neither the U.S. peace movement nor peace movements elsewhere seem to have seriously addressed the question of what policy we should pursue toward Iran if the Iranian government does continue moving toward the development of nuclear weapons. It seems quite likely that the newly elected Iranian government will do precisely that. What do we do beyond wringing our hands? And should global peace movements be rethinking in any way the appropriate policies to support in the entire area of nuclear proliferation as we face not only the 60th anniversary of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, but also a 35-year old Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty that is going nowhere and a militarily all-powerful United States that has become the greatest nuclear rogue state of all? Here is one person's first cut at suggestions for new policies on nuclear proliferation for peace activists to consider.
Bill Christison was a senior official of the CIA.
He served as a National Intelligence Officer and as Director
of the CIA's Office of Regional and Political Analysis. He is
a contributor to Imperial Crusades, CounterPunch's new history
of the wars on Iraq and Afghanistan. He can be reached at: christison@counterpunch.org.
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