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How Neoliberalism Crashed
The economic crash has changed the world map and destroyed the neoliberal consensus that has blighted the planet for the last thirty years. Read Hudson and Sommers on the great opportunity. Also: Learn where Bill Ayers hid out when he was on the run. Cockburn and St. Clair disclose that his host in those fugitive days was a top McCain backer. Also in our new issue: Also: portrait of a police informer -- David Bonner’s marvelous portrait of the late George Demmerle. Find the answers in CounterPunch newsletter. Get your copy today by subscribing online or calling 1-800-840-3683 Contributions to CounterPunch are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! CounterPunch books and gear make great presents.
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Today's Stories October 23, 2008 Allan J. Lichtman October 22, 2008 Brian Cloughley Heather Gray Jeff Birkenstein Ralph Nader DC Larson David Swanson Keeanga-Yamatta Taylor Race and the Election: When the "Real" America Enters the Voting Booth Larry Everest Robert Fantina Martha Rosenberg Stephen Martin Website of the Day October 21, 2008 Vijay Prashad Paul Craig Roberts Corey D. B. Walker Steve Breyman Eric Toussaint Wajahat Ali Robert Weitzel Brendan Cooney Dave Lindorff Marqueece Harris-Dawson / Bob Wing Patrick B. Barr Omar Barghouti Website of the Day October 20, 2008 Michael Hudson Anthony DiMaggio Tariq Ali Uri Avnery Bill Quigley Ben Rosenfeld David Michael Green William S. Lind Chris Genovali Stephen Martin Howard Lisnoff David Yearsley Website of the Day October 17 / 19, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Jeffrey St. Clair Pam Martens Paul Craig Roberts Mike Whtney Michael D. Yates Suzanne Smith Carl Boggs Ralph Nader Fidel Castro Dave Marsh Saul Landau Jo Guldi Kevin Zeese Larry Everest Steve Early David Macaray Ben Terrall Missy Beattie Don Monkerud Helen Redmond Dan Bacher Wajahat Ali Farzana Versey Vladimir Frolov Kim Nicolini Poets Basement Website of the Day October 16, 2008 Mike Whitney Jonathan Cook Ayesha Ijaz Khan Alan Maass Chuck O'Connell Mary Lynn Cramer P. Sainath Andy Worthington Peter Gelderloos Stephen Martin Douglas Valentine Website of the Day
October 15, 2008 Steve Conn William P. O'Connor Robert Weissman Jonathan M. Feldman Ron Jacobs Conn Hallinan Justin Podur Karl Grossman Dave Lindorff Eric Walberg Martha Rosenberg Uri Avnery Monica Benderman Website of the Day
October 14, 2008 Robert Richter Paul Craig Roberts Ismael Hossein-Zadeh Steve Conn P. Sainath Gregory Elich Stephen Martin Rev. William Alberts Laura Carlsen Joanne Mariner Howard Lisnoff David Macaray Website of the Day October 13, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Michael Hudson Patrick Cockburn Chris Floyd Fidel Castro Robert Weitzel Derek Wright Stephen Soldz David Michael Green Norman Solomon Charles R. Larson Lisa Massaciuccoli Website of the Day
October 10 / 12, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Jeffrey St. Clair / Douglas Valentine Noam Chomsky Ralph Nader Syed Saleem Shahzad Patrick Cockburn Paul Craig Roberts Mike Whitney Peter Morici Christopher Ketcham Stephen Martin Chellis Glendinning Saul Landau Ahmad Faruqui Adam Turl Serge Halimi Anthony DiMaggio John Ross José M. Tirado Paul Krassner David Macaray Robert Fantina David Yearsley Julian Clec'h Adam Engel Phyllis Pollack Missy Beattie Poets' Basement Website of the Day October 9, 2008 Robert Bryce David Vest Winslow T. Wheeler Andy Worthington Anthony DiMaggio Helga Serrano / Dave Lindorff Mats Svensson Rannie Amiri Website of the Day October 8, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Linn Washington, Jr. Mike Whitney Deepak Tripathi George C. Wilson Andy Worthington Charles R. Larson Patrick Irelan Matthew Koehler Stanley Heller Daniel Gross Kimberly Hartke Website of the Day October 7, 2008 Patrick Cockburn Gary Leupp Uri Avnery P. Sainath Peter Morici Conn Hallinan Martha Rosenberg Binoy Kampmark October 6, 2008 Paul Craig Roberts Mike Whitney Tariq Ali Emily Horowitz Michael Hudson Ron Jacobs October 3 - 5, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Paul Craig Roberts Saul Landau Jonathan Cook Andy Worthington Dave Marsh Sasan Fayazmanesh John Ross Brian Cloughley Wajahat Ali Robert Schwartz Alan Nasser David Ker Thomson Peter Morici William Blum William S. Lind Michael Donnelly Thom Rutledge Manuel Garcia, Jr. Dave Lindorff Cindy Ellen Hill Paul Krassner Daniel White Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend October 2, 2008 Paul Craig Roberts Joe Bageant Ralph Nader Mike Whitney Madis Senner Winslow T. Wheeler William Blum P. Sainath Website of the Day October 1 , 2008 Glen Ford Steven Conn Alan Maass / Lee Sustar Kenneth Couesbouc Stan Goff Adolfo Gilly Rannie Amiri Ismael Hossein-Zadeh Adam W. Parsons Dave Lindorff Douglas Valentine Adrien Rain Burke Website of the Day
September 30, 2008 Pam Martens Chris Floyd Stephen Martin Deepak Tripathi Mark Engler Jonathan Cook Dave Lindorff Manuel Garcia, Jr. Ahmad Faruqui John Chuckman David Macaray Fatemeh Keshavarz Website of the Day September 29, 2008 Mike Whitney Jeff Gibbs Paul Craig Roberts Peter Morici Tim Wise John Walsh Uri Avnery Alan Farago Andy Worthington David Michael Green Carl Finamore Iris Keltz Bill Hatch Website of the Day September 27 / 28, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Linn Washington, Jr. Christopher Ketcham Mike Whitney Kevin Alexander Gray Race in the Race: Is Obama Shining Us On? Anthony DiMaggio Mary Lynn Cramer Marc Levy / Stan Cox Saul Landau Ali Khan David Rosen Todd Alan Price Matts Svensson Ron Jacobs Robert Fantina Richard Rhames David Krieger Seth Sandronsky Charles R. Larson Kim Nicolini Poets' Basement Website of the Day September 26, 2008 Moshe Adler Bill Quigley Jonathan Cook Manuel Garcia, Jr. Madis Senner Brian Cloughley Niranjan Ramakrishnan Joanne Mariner Dan La Botz David Macaray Website of the Day September 25, 2008 Michael Hudson Sharon Smith Ralph Nader Christopher Ketcham Eric Toussaint Robert Weissman David Estabrook Nikolas Kozloff Steve Early Judith Scherr Laray Polk Website of the Day September 24, 2008 Paul Craig Roberts Nikolas Kozloff Robert Weissman Andy Worthington Steve Conn Karyn Strickler Diane Farsetta Dennis Loo John Halle Khalil Nakhleh Website of the Day September 23, 2008 Rev. Jesse Jackson, Sr. Michael Hudson Tariq Ali Patrick Dyer Franklin Lamb Joshua Frank Alan Farago Dave Lindorff Tanya M. Kerssen / Harvey Wasserman Website of the Day September 22, 2008 Michael Hudson Mike Whitney Christopher Ketcham Ron Jacobs Anne-Marie McManus Robert Weitzel Wajahat Ali John Ross Steve Breyman Patrick Bond Uri Avnery Carl J. Mayer Website of the Day September 20 / 21, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Michael Hudson Pam Martens Lila Rajiva Mike Whitney Richard Rhames Bill Moyers / Bill and Kathleen Christison Susan Block Robert Fantina Heidi Walters David Yearsley Raymond J. Lawrence David Rosen David Michael Green Anthony Papa Niranjan Ramakrishnan Howard Lisnoff John Goekler Missy Beattie Dave Zirin Charles R. Larson Tim Matson Susie Day Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend September 19, 2008 Steven T. Banko Mike Whitney Michael Hudson William Kaufman Brenda Norrell Keeanga-Yamatta Taylor Clifton Ross Dave Lindorff Cynthia McKinney Susan Hurlich Michael Donnelly Website of the Day September 18, 2008 Benjamin Dangl Harvey Wasserman Susan Abulhawa Robert Weissman Anne-Marie McManus Corey D. B. Walker William S. Lind Ron Jacobs Dave Lindorff Binoy Kampmark Website of the Day September 17, 2008 Stephen Conn Forrest Hylton Patrick Cockburn Gregory Elich Ralph Nader Franklin Lamb Pam Martens Dave Lindorff Peter Morici Stanley Heller Douglas Valentine Website of the Day September 16, 2008 Paul Craig Roberts Tiphaine Dickson Stan Goff Uri Avnery Michael Winship Jeff Halper Patrick Irelan Oscar Gonzalez Binoy Kampmark Fatemeh Keshavarz Sen. Russ Feingold Website of the Day September 15, 2008 Mike Whitney Peter Morici Patrick Cockburn Charles R. Larson Jonathan Cook Nikolas Kozloff Roger Burbach Helen Redmond David Michael Green David Macaray Ralph Nader Website of the Day
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October 23, 2008 If Only McCain's Charges Were TrueWhy I'm Not Voting for ObamaBy TODD CHRETIEN "TERRORIST!" "KILL him!" "He's an Arab." "Obama Bucks." John McCain has let the dogs loose. Apparently, he's decided that if winning the White House means whipping the right wing into a racist frenzy, he'll lead the charge. The good news is that a majority of American voters are walking away from the John McCain-Sarah Palin freak show. Even David Letterman is grilling McCain. In recent days, McCain even added the word "socialist" to Barack Obama's supposed list of sins. "You see, [Obama] believes in redistributing wealth, not in policies that help us all make more of it," said McCain. "At least in Europe, the socialist leaders who so admire my opponent are upfront about their objectives. They use real numbers and honest language. And we should demand equal candor from Senator Obama." Just this once, I find myself wishing that something McCain says were true. Yet any serious look at Obama's record and platform signal that he intends to govern well within the mainstream of American politics. To begin with, there are his stated policies. He wants to keep at least 50,000 troops in Iraq to "fight terrorism" indefinitely, and he wants to send those who are withdrawn from Iraq to fight in Afghanistan. He agrees with John McCain that the size and budget of the American military must be increased, he stridently supports Israel's suppression of the Palestinian people, and he has said "me too" to reasserting American military might in Latin America, being especially hostile to Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez. Obama would be the first to repudiate the idea that he is any sort of anti-militarist or anti-imperialist--and we should take him at his word. Domestically, Obama recognizes, unlike McCain, that the era of reckless deregulation and neoliberal supremacy has run its course. His policies will aim to re-establish order between the "hostile band of brothers," as Marx called competing capitalists. Yet no serious look at Obama's policies indicates a plan to fundamentally reshape the American class system. As Malcolm X once said, "You don't stick a knife in a man's back nine inches, and then pull it out six inches, and say you're making progress." Obama may support some modest economic band-aids--extending unemployment benefits, for example. He'll most likely make some reasonable policy shifts, undoing the craziest of the Republican excesses--especially those that don't cost much. For instance, he'll appoint centrists to the Supreme Court if he gets the chance (although the justices most likely to retire are liberals or centrists anyway). Obama will also end George Bush's ban on stem cell research, and he'll take modest steps to deal with global warming. He might even reduce the number of anti-immigrant raids by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). But even if Obama has his way at every point, by the end of his first term in 2012, the schools will remain underfunded, the prisons overcrowded, and the gap between the rich and the working class more or less unchanged. Compared to the last eight years of Bush, any change will be seen as a good thing. Obama's modest reforms will most likely earn him a honeymoon for a longer or shorter period of time. He also has the advantage that the Republican Party finds itself deeply divided, and those divisions will only increase if McCain loses badly. But the modest changes Obama has promised fall far short of what is needed. Ongoing wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and economic crisis will form the backdrop to Obama's first term. This calls for far more radical measures than Obama has contemplated, even in the most generous reading of his intentions. This reality requires a serious political discussion about how to build a working-class movement that can change the rules of the game--and it's in this context that the question of whether those who want to work for social change should vote for Obama must be discussed. * * * FIRST, SOME historical perspective is needed. If the opinion poll trends hold up, McCain's racist strategy will lose, and Obama will be elected the first African American president. In a nation built on slavery, this will be an historic accomplishment and a cause to celebrate for every genuine opponent of racism and bigotry of all kinds. This point deserves emphasis. America's economic wealth was literally extracted from the backs and minds of more than 10 generations of Black slaves. This wealth wasn't incidental to the nation's fortunes. Without slavery, there would have been no riches for Northern merchants and bankers, and no boom in Northern industry. It took a ferocious Civil War to abolish slavery--a conflict that demonstrated the tenacity of the slave owner's defense of the system. The freed slaves achieved a 10-year period of partial democracy and reform in the South during Reconstruction. Defended by heavily armed troops, they elected hundreds of African Americans to state legislatures and Congress. This Southern revolution was drowned in blood, as the KKK lynched its way into power, leading to 80 years of apartheid-like legal segregation. The heroic and bloody struggles of the civil rights movement finally broke Jim Crow's back, paving the way to voting rights, affirmative action in education and jobs, the creation of a Black middle class, and the possibility of Barak Obama's campaign. All this is often dismissed as ancient history. Yet it is worth remembering that when Barak Obama was born in 1961, millions of African Americans were still legally barred from voting in the South. Even when the history is acknowledged, it is often asserted that the wrongs have been righted, and Black people should stop "complaining." As if the racist taunts shouted out at McCain rallies aren't buttressed by a powerful system of institutional racism which guarantees that African Americans disproportionately go to the poorest schools, suffer the highest unemployment rate and account for 50 percent of the nation's 2 million prisoners, although they constitute just 13 percent of the population. Obama's election will raise the hopes of millions of Black workers across the country. Those who have suffered the brunt of American capitalism--and its most important tool, racism--will have a justifiable sense of pride at Obama's rise. And for those who believe that the white working class can be won over to the fight against racism in the interest of class-based solidarity, Election Day will show that, even when offered the chance to vote along racial lines (first by Hillary Clinton and then by John McCain), tens of millions of white workers from all parts of the country will vote for Barack Obama instead. None of this ends racism, but it certainly demonstrates the potential for interracial unity in the working class. * * * HISTORICALLY, THE American left has faced this dilemma: try to transform the Democratic Party or try to build an alternative to its left. During the last Great Depression, this choice was posed in particularly stark terms--and although history never repeats itself, there are some important lessons to be learned from what happened then. The stock market crash in October 1929 led to bank failures, factory closures and skyrocketing unemployment, as well as a rising level of working-class anger--and, eventually, strikes, protests, union drives and all kinds of social protests. The 1932 election of Franklin Delano Roosevelt has important parallels to Obama's campaign. He won in a landslide, replacing an unpopular and out-of-touch Republican administration, by promising a New Deal. However, like Obama's call for "change," the content of that New Deal was meager when Roosevelt promised it on the campaign trail. It was mostly designed to shore up the banks and business, while offering small reforms for workers and the poor. Yet the combination of anger and hope proved electric. Between 1934 and 1937, millions of workers went on strike and created the most powerful unions in U.S. history. In that struggle, the American Communist Party grew from 7,000 members in 1929 to 80,000 by 1938. At first, it seemed like the working-class movement and Roosevelt were headed in the same direction. As workers got more radical and organized, Roosevelt was forced to deliver more reforms (Social Security, the National Labor Relations Act, the Works Progress Administration jobs program, unemployment insurance, etc.). In fact, it seemed so obvious to many political radicals that Roosevelt and the working class were headed in the same direction that when the Communist Party dropped its opposition to the Democratic Party (on orders from Moscow) and became Roosevelt's biggest champion in 1935-36, very few complained. But as the unions and Communist Party came to see defending Roosevelt from the Republicans as the central priority, they began to oppose the kinds of strikes and street actions necessary to continue the process of winning ever-more radical reforms for fear of "scaring the center." Once this dynamic became dominant, the movement began to fall apart. The abandonment of this independence destroyed the possibilities of building an independent labor party, one that could stand for workers' rights, consistently fight racism and oppose U.S. wars abroad. And when Roosevelt, the Democratic Party and big funders who really ran the party felt threatened by the demands of the unions, Roosevelt pre-emptively turned against the movement. On Memorial Day 1937--just months after Roosevelt won re-election with the overwhelming support of organized labor--police shot and killed 10 striking steelworkers in Chicago. It was then that FDR issued his infamous "a plague on both your houses" remark about the strike, which gave the green light to the bosses to use violence against the union movement. By 1938, the New Deal economic policies had utterly failed to end the Depression. Instead, there was a dramatic worsening of the economy. At this point, Roosevelt turned towards building a massive war machine to fight the Second World War. This would include developing and dropping the atomic bomb in the interest of spreading the American empire to Europe, Africa, the Middle East and Asia. The Democrats, having sidetracked the possibility of breaking the two-party cycle in the 1930s, then helped launch the anticommunist McCarthyite crusade, a war in Korea, the Cold War with the USSR and, eventually, the war in Vietnam. * * * NO ONE has a crystal ball, but it appears that global capitalism is entering a historic period of crisis. The question of how to use the opportunities this will open up so that we don't repeat the mistakes the left made in the 1930s will be crucial if we want a different outcome this time. I believe that voting and giving political support to Barack Obama and the Democratic Party will weaken the fight for a fundamentally different kind of world, a socialist world. Arguing against a vote for Obama and the Democrats is not political abstention, however. It is part of a larger strategy that argues positively to continue building a socialist movement, based on the independence of the working class from the two mainstream parties. There are many dedicated activists who will disagree with this point of view. They look forward, above all, to seeing the Republicans defeated after eight long years of George Bush. But can they make a positive case that Obama and the Democrats will take us closer to breaking the domination of the rich over the working class in this country? The fact that millions of American workers look set to elect the first Black president is a good barometer of what could be. But it's no substitute for systematic political debate and the patient building of social movements, socialist organization and practical action. Todd Chretien was the 2006 Green Party candidate for U.S. Senate from California. He writes for the Socialist Worker.
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