Now
Available!
Dime's
Worth of Difference:
Beyond the
Lesser of Two Evils
Order Here!
Today's
Stories
October 16
/ 17, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
The
Free Speech Movement and Howard Stern
October 15,
2004
Paul Craig
Roberts
Where
Did These "Conservatives" Come From?: The Brownshirting
of America
Laura Carlsen
Wal-Mart
vs. the Pyramids of the Sun and Moon
Greg Bates
Empire of Insanity: Kerry's Iraq Troop Numbers
Michael Donnelly
News from a Swing State: Does Anyone Here Have a Spine?
Katherine Lahey
The Venezuelan "Threat": Why Do Kerry and Bush Fear
Hugo Chavez?
Robert Jensen
/ Pat Youngblood
Election Day Fears
Leah Caldwell
From
Supermax to Abu Ghraib: the Masterminds of Torture and Abuse
Website of
the Day
An Anti-Billionaire Policy? Why That Would Be Economic Racism
October 14,
2004
Darcy Richardson
The
Other Progressive Candidate: the Lonely Crusade of Walt Brown
Willliam A.
Cook
Turning
Myths into Truth
Laura Santina
Water, Women and War
Evelyn Pringle
Free Speech Banned by Big Pharma: What You Can't Say About Drug
Importation
Alan Farago
Lessons
from Nature
Rep. Maxine Waters
A Letter to Colin Powell on Haiti
Nicole Colson
Maimed
for Oil and Empire
October 13,
2004
Bishop Thomas
Gumbleton and Bill Quigley
Aftermath
of a Coup: The Other Disaster in Haiti
Sharon Smith
Barak
O-Bomb-a?: Democrats Target Iran
Christopher Brauchli
God and the Bush Administration
Mike Whitney
The Real Meaning of the Hamdi Case
Paul de Rooij
Amnesty
International: a False Beacon?
Website of
the Day
Operation
Truth
October 12,
2004
Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz
"Indian
Country"
Greg Bates
The Year of Voting Dangerously: a Survey Request of Nader Voters
in Swing States
Steven Conn
Progressives as Pawns: Kerry's War on Nader
Jason Leopold
Under Cheney, Halliburton Helped Saddam Siphon Billions from
UN Oil-for-Food Program
Security Scholars
for a Sensible Foreign Policy
Time for a Change of Course
Timothy J. Freeman
Dying for a Mistake
Pierre Tristam
Deconstructing Bush
Niranjan Ramakrishnan
The 2nd Debate: the Blurring of Act and Audience
Bill and Kathleen
Christison
Israel as Sideshow
Website of the Day
John Kerry's Personal Off-Shore Tax Shelters
October 11,
2004
Robert Fisk
Iraq:
Unforgivable Betrayals and Broken Promises
Kevin Pina
The
Untold Story of Aristide's Departure from Haiti
Patrick Gavin
Rethinking
Columbus Day
Chris Floyd
Tribes with Flags in the New Afghanistan
Daniel Wolff
Radioactive Money: Entergy, Political Cash and America's Most
Dangerous Nuclear Plant
Walter Brasch
The Only Ones Who Believe Saddam Had WMDs are Bush, Cheney...and
40% of All Americans
Mike Whitney
The Phony Afghan Elections: Ballot of the Disappearing Ink
Ari Shavit
"He Talks to Condi Rice Every Day": an Interview with
Sharon's Lawyer
Paul Craig
Roberts
The
Debates and the Big Lie
Website of the Day
Dylan's Greatest Recording?
October 9 /
10, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
"There
Are No Innocents"
Paul de Rooij
Northern Ireland is Still the Issue: a Conversation with Gerry
Adams
M. Shahid Alam
Making Sense of Our Times
Laura Carlsen
Protest and Populism in Latin America
Fred Gardner
Pot Shots: ASA Goes to Court
Col. Dan Smith
Bush's Credibility Gap
Paul Craig
Roberts
Faith-Based Economics
Greg Bates
What If Nader Critics Get What They Demand?
Joshua Frank
Cobb, the Greens and the Collapse of the Left
Felice Pace
Wilderness, Politics and the Oligarchy: How the Pew Charitable
Trust is Smothering the Grassroots Environmental Movement
Walter A. Davis
Of Pynchon, Thanatos and Depleted Uranium
William A.
Cook
The Agony of Colin Powell
Phyllis Pollack
Twas No Crank Call Love Affair: London Calling, 25 Years Later
Poets' Basement
Klipschutz, Albert, Ford
Website of the Weekend
Abu Ghraib: the Taguba Annexes
October 8,
2004
Jennifer Loewenstein
The
Israeli Invasion of Gaza
Moshe Adler
Edwards' Gambit: He Hoped No One Would Notice the Similarities
David Swanson
Media Blackout: Press Continues to Ignore Labor's Opposition
to Iraq War
Dave Zirin
CounterPunch Contest: Let's Name the New DC Baseball Team!
Rep. Ron Paul
The Draft is a Form of Slavery
William S. Lind
Keeping Our SA Up
Samar Assad
Kerry v. Bush: No Difference When It Comes to Israel / Palestine
Jim Ingalls
and Sonali Kolhatkar
The Elections in Afghanistan
October 7,
2004
Dave Lindorff
All
Out of Volunteers: A Draft is in the Air
Masha Hamilton
Fear in Kandahar
Christopher
Brauchli
Master of Corruption: the Ripening Scandals of Tom Delay
Jason Leopold
Is There Still Time to Impeach Bush?
Bruce K. Gagnon
Bombing the Panhandle: Fighting the Pentagon in Rural Florida
Meredith Kolodner
Where
is the Urgency?: The Anti-War Movement's Election Year Challenge
October 6,
2004
Jeffrey St.
Clair
"Please,
Dude, Can I Take Them Out?": Targeting Civilians in Fallujah
Ron Jacobs
Going
Nuclear: the Ghost of Edward Teller Lives
Michael Colby
The National Flip-Flop: Suddenly Bush is Unfit to Lead?
Tarif Abboushi
More of the Same: Israel Wins the Debates
Matthew Behrens
Canadian Firms Profit from Iraqi Blood
Mike Whitney
Rethinking WMDs
John Pilger
Stealing Diego Garcia
Ben Tripp
Kerry's "Triumph"
Kevin McKiernan
Cheney's Poison Lab: Wrong Time, Wrong Target
Patrick Cockburn
Elections
Will Not End the Fighting in Iraq
Website of the Day
Is There an Islamic Problem?
October 5,
2004
Anthony Loewenstein
Rupert
Murdoch and the Marginals: "Personally Creating Outcomes"
Mark Clinton
and Tony Udell
The
Suicide of an Iraq War Veteran
Greg Bates
Trading
Idiots: an Open Letter to Eric Alterman
Dave Lindorff
What's
the Frequency, Karl?
Norm Dixon
Why Washington Won't Save Darfur Villagers
Larry Kearney
God Talk and Burning Children
Bill Linville
Dirty Politics in the Land of "Clean" Government
Gary Leupp
What
Edwards Should Ask Cheney
Website of
the Day
A Guide to Halliburton for Tonight's Debate
October 4,
2004
Diane Christian
The
Gates of Hell
Joshua Frank
An Interview with David Cobb
Doug Giebel
Incurious George: What If Bush Didn't Lie?
John Chuckman
Strange Victory: Sen. Obvious and the Pathetic Lump
Ramzy Baroud
Reverse the Picture: Anatomy of a Palestinian Outrage
Julia Stein
Remembering Mario Savio and the FSM
Sean Donahue
Outsourcing
Terror: Kerry and Special Forces
Website of
the Day
Mapping
Mt. St. Helens as She Rocks
October 2 /
3. 2004
Paul Wright
John
Kerry on Criminal Justice
Kathleen and Bill Christison
An Exchange with Israeli Historian Bennie Morris
Kathie Helmkamp
My Son Trent: a Marine Who Doesn't Want to Kill
Phillip Cryan
Indigenous Mobilization in Colombia
Lenni Brenner
The First Ex-Catholic Saint: Memories of Mario Savio
Fred Gardner
Pot Shots: In Case You Missed "Montel"
Ron Jacobs
It Did Happen Here: When Neo-Nazis Terrorized Olympia
Ben Tripp
Sticker Shock
William S.
Lind
The Grand Illusion: Iraqi Security Forces
Dave Zirin
The Swindle of the Century: Baseball Comes to DC
Dave Lindorff
Lies from the Great Debate
Luscon Pierre-Charles
Haiti's Elections: a High-Tech Sham is Underway
Zoe Moskovitz
& Sasha Kramer
Separating Lies from Truth About Haiti
Nelson P. Valdes
Habana Night vs. Latin American Scholars in Vegas: 61 Banned
Cuban Academics
Alan Farago
The "Ownership Society" and the End of the Everglades
Nancy Haley
What is the Historical Jesus Trying to Tell Us?
Alex Billet
Long Live The Clash: London Still Calling After 25 Years
Steve Fesenmaier
Save and Burn: The War on Libraries
Poets' Basement
Smith, Holt, Albert
October 1,
2004
Steve Breyman
Kerry's
Missed Opportunities
Rose Gentle
My
Son Died for a Lie
Lee Sustar
Iran
in the Crosshairs
Ralph Nader
What
We Didn't Hear at the Debate: Where's the Exit Strategy?
Walter Andrews
We Are Less Secure Now Than Ever
Mike Whitney
Pandora's
Government
Mickey Z.
Debate
This
Saul Landau
The
Iraq Invasion: Lessons from the Pinochet Cases
Hot Stories
Alexander Cockburn
Behold,
the Head of a Neo-Con!
Subcomandante
Marcos
The
Death Train of the WTO
Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens
as Model Apostate
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
in the Iraq War
Wendell
Berry
Small Destructions Add Up
CounterPunch
Wire
WMD: Who Said What When
Cindy
Corrie
A Mother's Day Talk: the Daughter
I Can't Hear From
Gore Vidal
The
Erosion of the American Dream
Francis Boyle
Impeach
Bush: A Draft Resolution
Click
Here for More Stories.
|
Weekend Edition
October 16 / 17, 2004
The Death Penalty
and the True Measure of George Bush's Character
Unmerciful
Judge, Merry Executioners
By
LESLEY BRILL
As the 2004 election looms, the incumbent
President's detractors and defenders have returned their attention
to Mr. Bush's equivocal stint in the Texas Air National Guard
during the early 1970s. As has been repeatedly pointed out, his
service record-or non-record-in a capacity that allowed him to
avoid combat in the Viet Nam conflict was remarkably little investigated
during his first run for President. The documentation relevant
to that service remains somewhat ambiguous, in part because some
of it seems to have been destroyed or concealed while he was
in the Texas Governor's Mansion. There is another aspect of the
President's past, however, little emphasized during the election
of 2000, that is perfectly unambiguous in documentation and at
least as revealing of Mr. Bush's character. It may be found in
his handling of the numerous death sentence reviews that reached
his desk as a part of his governorship.
During George W. Bush's first
campaign for the presidency, reporters actually uncovered considerable
information about executions in Texas and about Governor Bush's
performance as the final reviewer of those sentences. What they
learned was often ghastly: incompetent public defenders, oblivious
judges, mentally retarded defendants, patently unreliable testimony,
prosecutorial perjury, and so forth. Reporters' discoveries
about Bush's role were also unsettling, and fell broadly into
two categories: obvious lies about the system and his oversight
of it; and his evident indifference to justice and human life.
Although Governor Bush claimed to have spent significant time
and energy on the appeals that came to his desk, and although
he repeatedly assured voters that he could vouch for the care
and accuracy of the judicial system that condemns the convicted
to death in Texas, investigations showed only too clearly that
he could not have given much thought to the condemned persons
whose cases came before him; nor could he have plausibly claimed
that death sentencing in Texas was remotely equitable, let alone
carefully and dependably administered.
The national electorate-and,
with the exception of a few enterprising reporters, most of the
media-took little interest in these matters. The Democratic candidate,
Vice-President Gore, favored capital punishment and thus was
in no very good position to make an issue of Bush's and Texas's
record of state killing; a majority of U.S. voters at that time
favored capital punishment; Bush's role appeared to be essentially
bureaucratic-that is to say, mechanical, mindless, automatic.
And so we wound up with ("elected" has never seemed
the right word) a President and an Administration whose penchant
for shedding blood has led the U.S. down paths that are bellicose
and costly, dismissive of other nations, and manifestly dangerous
to our own.
What might we have learned
had we taken more notice of George W. Bush's supervision of his
state's executions? Could we have predicted the character of
the future President and the kind of actions influential members
of his administration would promote (despite their self-description
as practitioners of "compassionate conservatism")?
To help answer these questions, let us turn to a thinker few
Americans have ever read (although he won the Novel Prize for
Literature in 1981), Elias Canetti.
When Canetti published his
great meditation on human nature, Masse und Macht (1960,
trans. Crowds and Power 1962), he identified as humankind's
most dangerous inheritance, "its curse and perhaps its destruction,"
a kind of leader that he called "der Überlebende."
Usually translated as "Survivor," but perhaps more
accurately rendered as "Outliver," die Überlebenden
wish not just to survive, but also to outlive all those around
them. Consciously or not, they wish, Canetti wrote, "to
survive alone."
To achieve this outliving,
die Überlebenden embrace power. Their particular
conception of power pivots on a fulcrum of paranoia. The world
of the Outliver teems with enemies, often disguised, who must
be exposed, judged, and crushed. Ultimately, Canetti argues,
even allies of Outlivers will be classified as enemies, because
they will have been subjected to and resent the Outliver's commands.
"Beneath every command, the death sentence and its pitiless
horror show through" (358). Those who have obeyed rulers'
commands, then, have suffered the threat of a death sentence
and the rulers must assume that the commanded will seize any
opportunity to retaliate against that threat. As the orders that
rulers have given accumulate, so too does what Canetti calls
"the anxiety of command." In particular, "whoever
gets hold of such a system [of command] through too brief a service
or to whom it has otherwise been given, is by the very nature
of his position burdened with the anxiety of command and must
seek to free himself of it. [One recalls how little time George
W. Bush has spent in lower echelon jobs.] The means of his release,
which he seizes with some hesitation but which he can nonetheless
not do without, is to issue a sudden command for mass death"
(558-9).
Since assuming power through
a disputed and bizarrely concluded election, the second Bush
Administration has consistently made choices and exhibited behavior
characteristic of Canetti's Outlivers-of Outlivers, moreover,
heavily laden with the anxiety of command. It has preferred modalities
of power to judicial or legislative processes, and has reflexively
acted out a mania for secrecy. Mistrustful of other nations,
it has withdrawn from, defied, and refused to participate in
numerous international treaties. With the curious exception of
North Korea, it has preferred bilateral to multilateral diplomacy,
and it has cooperated with multi-national organizations like
NATO and the UN only as long as those groups endorse conclusions
it has already reached. It has unhesitatingly put at risk hundreds
of thousands of U.S. military personnel and has hardly seemed
to notice the thousands of foreign nationals it has killed, wounded,
and imprisoned.
Individually, these actions
have various explanations: a pronounced bias toward supporting
the interests of large corporations-from which many in the Administration
come and to which it is indebted for massive financial support;
a desire to assert more U.S. control over the huge oil reserves
of the Middle East (now all but openly treated as a recalcitrant
American protectorate); distrust of science, especially when
it brings commercial or industrial practices into question; the
imperial ideology of "The American Century"; and so
forth. Such individual tactical and strategic inclinations, however,
do not fully explain the consistency and coherence of the pattern
of decisions and actions taken by the current Administration.
To account for that pattern we need to look more deeply and to
consider what we might call the personality of the G. W. Bush
Administration.
Concealment, the desire to
"go it alone," and a predisposition to regard difference
or dissent as enmity have, from January 2000, characterized this
Administration. Since 9/11/2001, numerous arrests and detentions
without charges or legal recourse have been executed in the name
of the war on terrorism. These actions reflect both the raw exercise
of force and the paranoid supposition that others wear the masks
and pursue the conspiracies that power knows intimately from
its own practices. Consonant with this mind-set is the desire
for an enlarged "Patriot Act," in order to uncover
the multitude of enemies presumed to be concealed among us. That
the U.S. faces serious dangers is indisputable; that the actions
of the Bush Administration are effective, safe, or legal responses
to that danger is profoundly doubtful.
Prominent in the personality
of this Administration is its obsession with the power of governments
to kill. Discussing "The Ruler as Outliver," Canetti
observed that his "first and decisive feature is his legal
power over life and death. It is the seal of his power, which
is absolute only as long as his right to impose death remains
undisputed" (273). The eagerness of the Bush Administration
that the death penalty should be more widely and frequently sought
in federal courts reflects the Outliver's craving for absolute
power. In pursuit of more death-penalty prosecutions, Attorney
General Ashcroft has repeatedly overruled recommendations of
his own prosecutors; and the executions already accomplished
under Ashcroft's urging are the first of federal death row prisoners
in thirty-eight years. Equally suggestive is the Administration's
fondness, when speaking of foreign enemies, to promise, "They
will be captured, or killed." To make the latter more probable,
Administration warriors urge development of tactical nuclear
weapons designed to inflict lethal American might upon those
who try to escape in mountain caves or buried concrete bunkers.
Whether such actions violate international law and assumptions
of innocence, or re-escalate a nuclear arms race, does not seem
to merit discussion.
The assassination of Uday and
Qusay Hussein offered a vivid example of this Administration's
passion for killing. The attack on the home in which they were
trapped was simply murderous-overwhelming cannon fire and rockets
against a few cornered opponents. As Peter Davis noted in The
Nation, there was "no waiting them out, no disabling
gas lobbed into the house At the end they were impotent, helpless,
and the order of the day-which no one here doubts came from Washington-was
Exterminate the Brutes." When given a choice between capture
and kill, those in charge evidently hardly considered the former.
For the paranoid leader, "every
execution for which he is responsible bestows some strength.
He obtains the power of the Outliver" (274). Given that
no weapons of mass destruction have yet been found in Iraq (as
of September, 2004) and that, if they eventually appear, they
are unlikely to have posed a substantial threat to the U.S.,
Canetti's next sentences are especially germane: "His victims
may not have actually been lined up against him, but they might
have been able to do so. His fear transforms them, at first retrospectively
perhaps, into enemies that have struggled against him. He has
sentenced them; they have been brought low; he has outlived them"
(274). Unself-consciously, Bush gloated in his 2003 State of
the Union address, "All told, more than 3,000 suspected
terrorists have been arrested in many countries. Many others
have met a different fate. Let's put it this way-they are no
longer a problem." The implications of the adjective "suspected"
for the imprisonment and killing seem to have escaped him (and
applauding legislators). Similarly, the regime of Saddam Hussein,
whether it had weapons of mass destruction or not, is "no
longer a problem." So we have been told; but ongoing casualties
render increasingly questionable the famous "mission accomplished"
boast.
Since declaring that the U.S.
is engaged in a global war on terrorism, the President has shown
fondness for his alternative title, "Commander-in-Chief."
Considering that he evaded the hazards of Vietnam by enrolling
in (and perhaps deserting) the Texas Air National Guard, his
identification of himself with those who actually bomb and shoot
is incongruous. Arriving by fighter jet for his triumphal speech
on the aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln, "Bush emerged in
a green flight suit, carrying his helmet, and shouted to reporters,
'Yes, I flew it!'" As Commander, Bush can order soldiers
to kill the enemy or-almost as satisfying-to die in the attempt.
Moreover, soldiers, and such enemy combatants as he chooses to
designate, may themselves be sentenced to death through military
courts, for which the Bush Administration has shown unambivalent
enthusiasm.
A sentence of death is easier
to achieve in such courts than in civil ones, since they have
relaxed rules of evidence and do not require judicial unanimity
to win a sentence to kill. Such courts are now threatened for
some of the persons caged in Guantanamo. Captive there, incommunicado
and without legal representation or advice, their plight must
be especially gratifying for the Administration's Outlivers.
Beyond reach of the outside world, the prisoners are as if dead.
Yet they nonetheless await sentencing, as by God on the Day of
Final Judgment. They can be killed-again, so to speak-or restored
to life. The power of resurrection, Canetti observed, is the
greatest power imaginable. For the Outliver, having that power
but refusing to exercise it may well be its ultimate expression.
This brings us back to Governor
Bush and his record of reviewing and granting-or, virtually always,
not granting-clemency for the 152 condemned persons whose cases
came before him in Texas. The score: thumbs up, 1; thumbs down,
151. Long before he entered the White House, George W. Bush exhibited
what Chris Matthews of MSNBC observed about him after his ascension-that
he has "an almost giddy readiness to kill." That proclivity
had not gone unnoticed with respect to Bush's actions and attitudes
in the Texas Governor's mansion. Time observed in August,
2000, that "George W. Bush, who has had more executions
during his five-year tenure in Austin than any other governor
in the nation since capital punishment was reinstated, has made
his support for executing mentally retarded inmates clear."
According to CNN, Bush was criticized for laughing during a televised
debate when asked about a pending execution. Reporting on his
interview with Bush for Talk magazine, Tucker Carlson
described him mimicking a woman's final plea for her life: "
'Please,' Bush whimpers, his lips pursed in mock desperation,
'don't kill me.' " The woman whose plea Bush was mocking
was Karla Faye Tucker, a convicted murderer whose conversion
to Christianity led her to become a spiritual leader for other
death row inmates and on whose behalf many individuals and organizations-including
the Pope, Amnesty International, the UN, and the European Parliament-had
petitioned Governor Bush to mitigate her sentence to life imprisonment.
But, as in 99.3% of the other cases that came before this man,
the command to kill prevailed.
As startling as Bush's "smirking"
about the plea of a woman whom he had consigned to execution,
is the fact that the exchange between Larry King and Tucker that
Bush recreated for his interviewer "never took place, at
least on television"-which is where Bush claimed to have
seen it. Tucker's groveling answer to Larry King's "hard
questions" appears to be a creation of Bush's imagination.
To the query, "What would you say to Governor Bush?"-if
King ever asked it-the Governor invents the reply most satisfying
to an all-powerful Überlebende, "Please don't
kill me." Uday and Qusay couldn't have said it better.
As slangy adolescents, my friends
and I liked to refer to favorite things and people as "killers."
"That's a killer car your Dad's got," for example.
Now I find myself wondering if the U.S. has a killer President.
Have we in the White House "humankind's curse and perhaps
its destruction"? Have the extraordinary events of the last
presidential election left us with the sort of leader Canetti
warned of? Is the President of the United States such a person;
and has he surrounded himself with kindred spirits, kindred Überlebenden?
Obviously, one very much hopes
not, but the evidence has been distressingly consistent. Because
George W. Bush and many of his key officers lean strongly toward
the type that Canetti called Outlivers, American citizens and
the world must take seriously the threats they pose. As the U.S.
electorate confronts the claims and counter-claims of another
presidential election, the incessant assertions of the Bush Administration
that dire circumstances exist, that "bad guys" abound
and will continue to exist indefinitely, must be viewed with
vigilant skepticism. For Outlivers find nothing more convenient
to justify the exercise of their power than the specter of omnipresent
enemies.
Denouncing bombings in Baghdad,
the President declared of the perpetrators, "They hate freedom,
they love terror." (October 28, 2003) As one whose speeches
constantly parade various threats before his countrymen and who
urges Congress to pass another, even more intrusive and confining
"Patriot Act," Bush's typically simple formulation
would seem to apply at least as revealingly to his Administration
as to those who carried out the attacks in Iraq.
What can we who unhappily watch
the spectacle of our bellicose government and its nominated enemies
do about all this? For starters, we must still remember-whether
George Bush manages to claim the White House again or not-to
cherish the civil liberties that remain to us and to guard against
the unstinting promoters of "fear itself," be they
foreign or domestic. For die Überlebende must by
their very nature truly "hate freedom love terror."
Leslie Brill is a professor and former Chair in
the Department of English at Wayne State University. Brill can
be reached at: aa4525@wayne.edu
Weekend
Edition Features for September 18 / 19, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Forgeries,
Fingerprints and Forensic Fakery
Jeffrey St. Clair
High Plains Grifter: Bush's Mask of Anarchy
Patrick Cockburn
Into the Abyss: the Week Iraq's Dream of Peace Fell Apart
Fred Gardner
Pot Shots: Financial Torture (Asset Forfeiture)
Joe Allen
The Comrades Kerry Abandoned: the Real Story of Vietnam Vets
Against the War
George Corsetti
Poletown Revisited: Finally, Some Vindication
Scott Handleman
The Knock-Knock of a Sledgehammer: Sequestered in Nablus
Richard Ward
Two Weeks in Beit Arabiya
Conn Hallinan
Ashcroft and Indonesia
Lori Smith
Health Care in America: And Then I Got Sick...
Dave Zirin
Hold the Booyah!: SportsCenter Out of the Middle East
John L. Hess
Rather Will Take the Heat, As Bush's War Deteriorates
Brian J. Foley
W is for Wimp: So Why do Manly Men Love Him?
Mickey Z.
Pat Tillman and Osama bin Laden: Odd Juxtapositions
Poets' Basement
Vest, Landau & Albert
Website of the Weekend
Eye on the NYTs
/
|