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Today's
Stories
December 8 / 9, 2007
Saul
Landau
The Ruins of Empire
Allan
Nairn
Imposed Hunger in Gaza, the Army in
Indonesia
Paul
Craig Roberts
When Will Bush Come Clean?
December
7, 2007
Sean Penn
Piano Wire Puppeteers
Arthur Versluis
Mining Water in the Desert
M.
G. Piety
Racism and the American Psyche: Some
Thoughts on Race and Intelligence
Pam
Martens
Banksters Gone Wild
Alan
Farago
Will the Free Market Kill Suburbia?
Sprawl and the Credit Crisis
Allan Nairn
It Takes (Out) a Village
Col.
Dan Smith
Bush, Iran and the Politics of Doomsday
Alice
Slater
The Iran Opening
Robert
Weissman
The Story of Stuff
Website
of the Day
Something About
Mitt
December 6, 2007
Al Giordano
Hillary Clinton and the Politics
of Character Assassination
Kathy Kelly
Traveling Light
Russell Mokhiber
The Black Hillary
Farzana Versey
Aftershocks from the Demolition of
the Babri Mosque
Marwan Bishara
Nuclear Fallout
Neta Golan
A Generous Offer? The Aix Group and
the Palestinians
Paul Krassner
Mitt Romney = Hypocrisy
December
5, 2007
Mike Whitney
Why the CFR Hates Putin
Sharon
Smith
The Anti-War Enablers: Tom Hayden and the Dead
End Democrats
James
Petras
Venezuela in the Aftermath
Ron
Jacobs
The Iran Charade
Dave
Zirin
Kicking a Dead Man: the Sliming of Sean Taylor
John
V. Whitbeck
Two States or One? Time to Choose
Peter
Zinn
Covered in New Orleans
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
Impeach Pelosi Instead
Alan
Farago
The Credit Bomb Detonates in Florida
Heather
Gray
US Meddling in Australian Politics
Website
of the Day
A Donner Summit Night Before Xmas
December
4, 2007
Alexander
Cockburn
Jackboot State Stubs Its Toe in Ann Arbor
Andy
Worthington
Guantánamo and the Supreme Court
Paul
Craig Roberts
The Lies at the End of the American Dream
Ray
McGovern
No-Nuke Iran
Winslow
T. Wheeler
Admiral Mullen and the Defense Budget: When White Elephants are
Too Small
Allan
Nairn
The Regime Still Stands in Burma, Where "the People Just Want
Food"
Russell
Mokhiber
The USA v. Al Arian
Nikolas
Kozloff
As Chávez Falters: Raising the Stakes for the South American
Left
John
V. Walsh
Peace Movement Paralyzed
Ghada
Ageel
Will Peace Cost Me My Home?
Stephen
Soldz
The Facts be Damned!: Psychologists' President Defends Psychologist
Involvement in Interrogations
Website
of the Day
Hands Off the People of Iran
December
3, 2007
Tariq
Ali
Venezuela After the Referendum
Bill
Quigley
New Orleans: Bulldozers for the Poor, Tax Credits
for Developers
Eric
Walberg
The Bible and Middle East History
Uri
Avnery
After Annapolis
Marjorie
Cohn
Operation Iraqi Freedom Exposed
Dave
Lindorff
Vengeance Isn't Sweet
Stephen
Fleischman
Homeless in Paradise
Martha
Rosenberg
Perp Walks for the Mink Clad on Chicago's Mag Mile
Website
of the Day
So Just Lead!
December
1 / 2, 2007
Alexander
Cockburn
Emblems of the Bush Age: Adrift in a Sea of
Booze
Jeffrey
St. Clair
The Bear Minimum: the Grizzly and the Future
of the Rocky Mountain West
Mike
Whitney
"Iraq Doesn't Exist Anymore": an Interview with Nir Rosen
Shemon
Salam
A Visit From the FBI
Roger
Burbach
The Battle in Bolivia
Benjamin
Dangl
New Politics in Old Bolivia
Brian
M. Downing
The Quiet on the Middle Eastern Front: How Much Credit Goes to the
Surge?
Greg
Moses
Night of the Living Redneck: a Texas Horror Story
Sonja
Karkar
The "Never-Never" Peace Conference
Saul
Landau
Ethics and Evil in South Boston
Margaret
Kimberley
Black America Left Behind
John
Ross
What are the Prospects for a New Mexican Revolution?
Reza
Fiyouzat
Exit on the Left: When Che's Children Visited Iran
Judith
Scherr
Berkeley Turns Right for the Holidays
Lance
Olsen
Of Forests and Finance: Logging for the Wealthy
Christopher
Brauchli
Mr. Bush and the Despots
Robert
Fantina
Iraq as U.S. Colony
Dan
Bacher
Fish Triage on Prospect Island
Michael
Donnelly
Remembering How to be Human: John Trudell and the Music of Urgency
Website
of the Weekend
Appalachian Voices
November
30, 2007
Peter
Stone Brown
The Re-Packaging of Bob Dylan
Wajahat
Ali
The Volatile Mistress: an Interview with Javed Jabbar, Pakistan's
Former Minister of Information
Allan
Nairn
Cold-Blooded Celebrity: Thomas L. Friedman and the Bali Bombers
Alan
Farago
The Sorrows of Suburbia: Politics, Sprawl and the Housing Crash
John
Ross
The Death of Latin America's First Revolution
Corporate
Crime Reporter
America's Corporate Crime Capitals
Lucia
Alvarez
Diego Gonzalez
Argentina's Political Future
James
Rothenberg
The Iraqi Miracle
Website
of the Day
Bio-Bling?
November
29, 2007
R.
F. Blader
The Most Dangerous Kind of Bribe
Ismael
Hossein-Zadeh
Distorting Fascism to Demonize Iran
Stephen
Soldz
War on the Couch: Fear, Aggression and Empire
Sheldon
Richman
Iraq 3.0
George
Wuerthner
Forest Fires, Lies and Chainsaws
Felice
Pace
Did All Things Considered Self-Censor on Annapolis?
Col.
Dan Smith
The Meaning of Annapolis
Harvey
Wasserman
Terror Target Nukes
Nikolas
Kozloff
Primetime Hate Debate: Lou Dobbs, Immigration and Campaign '08
Paul
Krassner
Huffington Post Bloggers Go On Strike!
Dave
Lindorff
News Not Fit to Print: US Coup Planned for Venezuela?
CP
News Service
The One State Declaration
Website
of the Day
A Native View of Yellowstone Bison Slaughter
November
28, 2007
James
Petras
CIA Destabilization Memo Surfaces on Venezuela
Jeff
Halper
Annapolis: When the Roadmap is a One Way Street
Pam
Martens
Crashing Citigroup
Peter
Morici
Economy in Crisis: Avoiding a Recession
Mohammed
Khatib
Separate and Unequal in Palestine
Helen
Redmond
The Horror and the Hope: Health Care in America
William
S. Lind
In the Fox's Lair: Quiet Before a New Iraq Storm?
Ben
Tripp
We, the People: a Trope for All Seasons
Liaquat
Ali Khan
Pakistan: First, Restore the Constitution and Reinstate the Judges
Jeff
Berg
Holbrooke Says Bush Won't Attack Iran
Website
of the Day
The Lies of Joe Klein
November
27, 2007
Joe
DeRaymond
On the Road to the Torture School
Paul
Craig Roberts
Meet the Only Two Candidates Worse Than Bush and Cheney: Hillary
and Rudy
Marjorie
Cohn
Remembering Victor Rabinowitz
Mike
Whitney
A Dollar the Size of a Postage Stamp
Ron
Jacobs
The Myths of Military Progress
Col.
Dan Smith
The Pentagon's "People System" Still Doesn't Work
Ralph
Nader
Family Learning
Karim
Makdisi
Annapolis and the Unholy Alliance: the View from Beirut
Christopher
Ketcham
Memo to Hollywood Writers: Strike Until You Drop
Ronan
Bennett
Martin Amis Does a Coulter
Website
of the Day
Celebrating the Uncensored Media
| Weekend
Edition
December 8 / 9, 2007
"One
in Three Drunken Girls is the Victim of a Sex Attack"
A
Rape in Every Drink?
By R.
F. BLADER
Though
a manhunt always garners publicity, the media enthusiasm for the
grisly murder of Emily Sander, aka “Zoey Zane”, the
aspiring Internet porn star and college student, has dwindled significantly.
Israel Mireles, the prime suspect whose blood-soaked hotel room
bedding was found with Sander’s body near a highway outside
of El Dorado, unknowingly bought himself a bit of time with this
red herring, and frustrated police complain of a “crippled”
investigation. Indeed, if Internet porn is rampant, so is the media
fetish for online, underage sexual exploitation, probably because
it indulges the fantasy that, prior to the 1990s, this kind of victimization
was rare. While it’s undeniable that the Web has transformed
pornography distribution and consumption patterns, indifference
to Ms. Sander coincided with the revelation that she met a more
prosaic demise than one capping off a night of lesbian fondling.
Like most murder victims, Ms. Sander died after having a drink.
In
the early spring of 2006, I was finishing my Masters degree at John
Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York. I was pregnant, working
fulltime, and struggling to complete my term papers before going
into labor. When I thought nothing could snap me from my love affair
with self-pity, something awful happened: one of my classmates,
Imette St. Guillen, was raped and tortured to death. Face wrapped
in duct tape, nude, her mutilated body was found near the Belt Parkway.
Her alleged murderer was the bouncer at the bar where she had stopped
to have a birthday drink.
Despite
the obvious dissimilarities between these women, reading about Sander,
I thought of St. Guillen and of Natalie Holloway, the Alabama high
school senior, whose disappearance hijacked the airwaves during
the summer of 2005. She recently resurfaced in the news as her alleged
killer faces another round of questioning in Aruba. Despite the
prurient and sometimes absurd speculations about the case in the
media, one thing is certain: Holloway, as well as many other young
men and women on the school field trip, consumed copious amounts
of alcohol during that fateful week in Aruba. An employee of the
hotel where the teenagers lodged told Vanity Fair:
This
group of students was a very—I don't want to demonize them—but
the group really went far, very far, in terms of having a good
time….Wild partying, a lot of drinking, lots of room switching
every night. We know the Holiday Inn told them they weren't welcome
next year. Natalee, we know, she drank all day every day. We have
statements she started every morning with cocktails—so much
drinking that Natalee didn't show up for breakfast two mornings.
It also seems apparent that Holloway was sexually assaulted –
her alleged murderers admitted as much in a taped interview and
to the police – while intoxicated.
A few months later, a similarly sensational story of an affluent
honeymooner meeting a dark end on a Royal Caribbean cruise captured
public consciousness and dented cruise sales. A botched police investigation
obfuscated many of the details of George Smith’s disappearance,
but again one thing is clear: the night after Smith’s death,
several of the young men who were partying with Smith immediately
prior to his disappearance stood accused of sexually assaulting
a drunk women, and, in the wake of the controversy surrounding this
incident, were asked, with their families, to vacate the ship.
Holloway’s disappearance – marked by the special convergence
of her race, youth, virginity and the aggressive cooperation of
her parents with the media – was afforded “story of
the summer” status by several major cable news channels; by
comparison, the Royal Caribbean cruise rape was treated like an
afterthought to a more important crime, another embarrassing blight
on the reputation of a travel and tourism company that failed to
ensure the safety of even its wealthy, white, male patrons. Imette
St. Guillen is remembered in New York as an angelic honor student
savaged by a demonic killer. Emily Sander, meanwhile, was nearly
a great poster girl for the “if you’re not a slut, you’re
safe” campaign, whose propaganda can be observed in most rape
laws prior to 1970 and nearly every Hollywood thriller.
Celebration
of sexualized violence aside, there exist non-negligible similarities
between these cases, and many others: each incident involves a night
of drinking leading to allegations of rape, and sometimes homicide.
From a criminological perspective, murder is an easy crime to study
– and studies of murder prove that victims and offenders are
usually under the influence of some intoxicating substance at the
time of the attack. Although I’ve often heard women, especially
young women, say, “If someone is going to rape me, he might
as well kill me,” raped women consistently report their intense
commitment to surviving the attack, their desire to live. It is
why women, oftentimes, don’t fight back. And, as rape affects
far more women than homicide does, sexual exploitation is a relatively
normal part of life for women in America.
In
response to early feminist inquiries and consciousness raising efforts,
rape theorists have rightly avoided critical analysis of victim
behavior that could be construed as the same kind of “victim-blaming”,
which characterized the formal investigation and adjudication of
rape cases prior to the late 1970’s. Indeed, data indicate
that rape, like most violent crime, cuts across age, class, and
race demographics, and that, contrary to formerly held, sexist notions,
neither physical appearance, nor sartorial choices affect patterns
of victimization. The deeper understanding of rape as a crime of
violence, not passion, and as a systematic mechanism for subjugating
women has led to the dismantling, in most states, of troubling corroboration
standards and irrelevant investigations into victims’ sexual
practices. In most states today, rape laws are designed to protect
a woman’s right to consent to sexual intercourse, and, in
more progressive states, recognize both men’s and women’s
right to consent to any form of sexual interaction.
In spite of these improvements, rape, unlike homicide, remains a
rampant, largely unreported crime. Apart from Sander, St. Guillen,
and Holloway, I think about other women, women I’ve known,
lucky ones whose intoxicated sexual exploitation episodes did not
land them on the front pages of the New York Times or the New York
Post or CNN, but who cautiously admitted being traumatized by a
forced sexual encounter after a few too many drinks. Victimization
studies confirm lackluster reporting of sexual violence: despite
the broader definition of rape and attempts by rape crisis centers
and police departments to increasingly ensure sensitivity to victims,
major victimization surveys suggest that most sexual assaults go
unreported, and that 14.8 per cent of women have been raped during
her their lifetimes.
Why is rape nearly epidemic in some communities? Why don’t
many victims report this life-altering trauma? If every woman is
a potential victim, what are the real risk factors? As much as the
media hastens to portray each sensational case as a scintillating
aberration, the alcohol variable figures more importantly than any
other in answering these questions.
Amid
the moral panic caused by the “date rape drug”, Rohypnol,
in the 1990s, researchers quietly began investigating the effects
of another drug whose consumption rates among young people continue
to grow unabated: alcohol. Ubiquitous and legal, alcohol had already
been correlated with crime from murder and domestic violence to
petty theft. Prior to the 90’s, most formal analysis of alcohol’s
relationship to rape tended to focus on the offender, and incorporated
the assumption that sexual assault trends vary widely depending
on circumstantial context. Because research tends to be cumulative
and complementary, inquiries into victim alcohol use fixate on the
university milieu.
Employing
a variety of methodological tactics, including examination of National
Crime Victimization Survey Data and information collected using
self-report instruments on university campuses and in high schools,
all studies of rape and alcohol note a high correlation between
pre-assault victim alcohol use and sex abuse victimization patterns.
Administering
a self-report questionnaire to a random sample of national college
students, Sarah Ullman and her research team explored the complex
interaction between victims’ general alcohol habits and the
characteristics of assault. Half of the 3,187 women polled experienced
some form of sexual victimization. Of those victims, 42 per cent
were using alcohol prior to the assault. Connecting both victim
and offender alcohol use to sex abuse patterns, Ullman made the
surprising finding that “victim drinking was related to less
offender aggression, possibly because force was not needed to complete
rape of a victim.” So, it is practical for rapists to rape
women under the influence because alcohol’s acceptable incapacitating
effects are similar to those of far less ubiquitous rape drugs.
While
Ullman’s work is the most comprehensive in terms of variables
tested and research methodology employed, rape researchers linked
sexual victimization and alcohol on college campuses prior to her
studies. Other researchers analyzed both victimized and non-victimized
women in order to test their hypotheses about victims’ attitudes
toward sex, alcohol, and sexual experience. Using Koss’ reliable
Sexual Experience Survey, William Corbin confirmed “alcohol
consumption [as] a general risk factor for sexual victimization”
and similarly affirmed what psychologists have known for decades:
in the wake of trauma, victims frequently rely on alcohol and other
substances to numb intrusive trauma response phenomena. Corbin is
joined in his findings by other researchers, like Bonnie Fisher,
who identified victim pre-assault alcohol use as a defining contextual
characteristic, both for rape and the failure by the victim to report
it. If, indeed, women are more likely to be victimized when consuming
alcohol and less likely to report these attacks, then there likely
exists a large class of victims ignored by the criminal justice
and our social safety net. And the mystery of spotty reporting patterns
is more comprehensible.
Concerned
with the convergence of rape myths, fraternity membership, and alcohol
use, Martin Schwartz tested claims of past studies indicating that
“fraternity men are said to learn that forced sex with a drunken
woman is not wrong,” despite its illegality in every state.
From using alcohol to incapacitate and avoid forcible rape, to employing
it as a “tool... to ‘work out a yes’ of unwilling
women,” attitudes and behaviors in the fraternity context
seem to exemplify the dangerousness of victim pre-assault alcohol
use.
What
if you’re not drinking at the frat house? Contrary to established
research, Schwartz found that fraternity men do not subscribe disproportionately
to rape myths and do not drink more frequently than other men in
the university population. In this way, Schwartz’s findings
substantiate alcohol use, and its interaction with “peer culture,”
as instrumental in sexual assaults. But his key finding “that
other groups on campus may be just as likely as fraternities to
provide the extensive male peer support for the sexual objectification
of women, and the access to alcohol, that encourages some men to
engage in victimizing behaviors” won’t surprise many
women. We experience firsthand the extent to which sexism and violence
are not relegated to their bastions.
What
of the “binge drinking” trend? Testing their theory
that “drinkers are more likely to be victimized because of
their association with motivated offenders,” and that “their
routine activities and differential associations put them at greater
risk of victimization regardless of whether they are drinking,”
Felson and Burchfield explored National Violence Against Women Survey
data from 1995 and 1996. The researchers did not relegate their
work to sexual victimization, instead broadly investigating victimization
of both sexes and testing a number of variables and crimes.
They
concluded that “victims of sexual assaults are more likely
to be drinking than victims of physical assault.” More generally,
however, Felson and Burchfield disproved the “routine activities”
hypothesis they put forth, showing that “frequent and heavy
drinkers are at a much greater risk of assault when they are drinking,
but that drinking is unrelated to the risk of victimization while
sober.” Helping to contextualize situations rather than patterns,
this powerful finding nullifies the impulse to blame women’s
“lifestyles” when trying to understand risk factors
for rape.
Journalists offer anecdotal evidence to bolster the argument that
pre-assault alcohol use by rape victims is as common as rape itself.
Responding to concerns about the recent liberalization of pub hours
two years ago, the British media focused heavily on the correlation
between alcohol use and sexual victimization. Citing one study conducted
by the Forensic Science Service in London of 1,014 alleged rape
victims, where “significant levels of alcohol were found”
in 46 per cent of all rape cases, journalists report concerns of
judges who “[warn] that binge drinking will lead to more rapes...[because]
pubs and bars [are allowed] to open round the clock.” Estimating
that “47,000 rapes occur each year,” and citing a second
study stating that neither Rohypnol nor GHB was ever detected in
victims’ systems but that “in 50 per cent of all reported
rapes the victim was seriously drunk,” some journalists and
criminologists are declaring a rape epidemic in the UK, calling
“alcohol the most common factor in drug-assisted rape.”
Similar figures were released by “the drink industry’s
own watchdog, the Portman Group,” stating that “one
in three drunken girls is the victim of a sex attack.” To
illustrate the statistics, the Daily Mail published a victim’s
account: “through a haze of alcohol, almost as if I was looking
down at myself from a great distance, I realized I had been stripped
of my clothes and two men were raping me as a third held my hands
tightly above my head.” Both the studies, and anecdotal evidence
from UK victims dramatize the statistics U.S. researchers are systematically
uncovering on college campuses.
In
the U.S., the national media won’t make a peep, but local
reporters detail how fears of drug-induced rape spawned the introduction
of drug detection kits into university “welcome” bags.
An opponent of this arguably cynical policy cited the predominance
of pre-assault alcohol use at the University of Syracuse, where
she was a rape counselor, stating, “Alcohol is the No. 1 date
rape drug...And you know alcohol is in your drink.”
Cases
abound of authorities confounding date-rape drugs with drinking
practices. For example, a 2005 fraternity rape drug incident at
the University of Colorado resulted in tension between the university
and the fraternity house when a lab inaccurately reported positive
GHB findings in alleged victims’ blood. In fact, “the
woman had blood-alcohol levels ranging from .128 to .292...The legal
limit to drive in Colorado is .08.”
While
the news reporting in the U.S. has not latched onto the relevance
of pre-assault alcohol use as a defining theme of its most recent
celebrated criminal justice cases, ample evidence provides a foundation
for this argument. At the convergence of any set of variables, there
is the potential for risk or control. Rather than identifying rape
as a consequence of victim behavior, these statistically significant
correlations of victimization with pre-incident alcohol use provide
lifestyle information relevant to critically conceptualizing personal
safety. Just as domestic violence research in the 1980’s helped
to dispel the myth of “stranger-danger,” whose politics
were seductive to a society invested in restricting women’s
movements outside of the home, research about alcohol and rape can
teach us, and our children, about how to behave based on the way
things really are.
Of
course, the relationship between alcohol and rape is a bitter pill
to swallow. On top of already shouldering all kinds of disproportionate
social burdens, do women and girls have to revive the temperance
movement in order to avoid sexual exploitation? The answer, according
to the research, is: kind of. Instead of a movement aimed at cleaning
up society imposed by condescending liberal elites, however, women’s
decision to drink less would likely increase their safety far more
than impractical prescriptions to restrict their movements or associations.
The
most complex, national studies of rape and alcohol associate drinking
with one- to two-thirds of sexual assaults. Although no woman is
responsible for being raped, no matter what the circumstances, the
implications of ignoring victim behavior can be just as grave as
victim-blaming. While limiting alcohol consumption is no solution
to the principles of male domination and misogyny that underlie
our society and give rise to the troubling ubiquity of sexual violence,
it is as subversive weapon as any in the arsenal of young women
who believe that this reality can change.
R.F.
Blader can be reached at rfblader@gmail.com
Sources:
Ullman,
Sarah E., George Karabatsos, Mary P. Koss, “Alcohol and Sexual
Assault in a National Sample of College Women.” Journal of
Interpersonal Violence, Vol. 14 No. 6, June 1999: 603-625 Corbin,
William R., Jeffrey A. Bernat, Karen S. Calhoun, Lily D. McNair,
Kari L. Seals, “The Role of Alcohol Expectancies and Alcohol
Consumption Among Sexually Victimized and Nonvictimized College
Women”, Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Vol. 16 No. 4,
April 2001: 297-311
Fisher,
Bonnie S., Leah E. Daigle, Francis T. Cullen, Michael G. Turner,
“Reporting Sexual Victimization to the Police and Others:
Results From a National-Level Study of College Women”, Criminal
Justice and Behavior, Vol. 30 No. 1, February 2003: 6-38. Schwartz,
Martin D., Carol Nogrady, “Fraternity Membership, Sexual Aggression
and Rape Myths on a College Campus”, Violence Against Women,
Vol. 2, No. 2, June 1996: 148 – 162. Felson, Richard B., Keri
B. Burchfield, “Alcohol and the Risk of Physical and Sexual
Assault Victimization”, Criminology.Vol. 42, Iss. 4, April
2001: p. 837
Hickley,
Matthew. “The Drunken Victims,”, Daily Mail, September
26, 2005: p. 9 ; Wheldon, Julie. “The Date-Rape Risk for Women
Who Binge Drink”, Daily Mail, August 1, 2005: p. 4
Cochrane,
Kira. “Are all men rapists after all?: British rape figures,
already shocking, peak in the heavy-drinking party season”,
New Statesman, September 26, 2005.
Nisbet,
Jenny, “Too Drunk to Say No”, Daily Mail, October 1,
2005: Pg. 28-29
Maddelena,
Christine, “Syracuse officials say new date rape drug test
not the answer”, University Newswire. September 23, 2005
Trujillo,
Melissa, “Police now say women did not have 'date-rape' drug
in system”, Associated Press. November 10, 2005
Brecklin,
Leanne R., Sarah E. Ullman, “The Role of Offender Alcohol
Use in Rape Attacks: An Analysis of National Crime Victimization
Survey Data”, Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Vol. 16 No.
1, January 2001: 3-21
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