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CIA's Overthrow Plans for Iran Agency musters Swiftboat vets, pumps funding into destabilization program aimed at Teheran. Trish Schuh reveals how White House approves race-baiting smears of Islam. Remember how Leadbelly got ripped off by Lomax, how Louis Armstrong's agent got richer than his most famous client? The rip-offs never die. Fred Wilhelms narrates how artists and musicians are being shafted in the age of the internet. Meet the real Judge John Roberts, serf for big business. Cockburn and St Clair dissect the Court's new nominee. Tailhook vet and self-proclaimed Tom Cruise model bites dust in Pentagon scandal: a defense industry parable. St. Clair on Duke Cunningham's Crash Landing. Get the answers you're looking for in the latest subscriber-only edition of CounterPunch ... CounterPunch Online is read by millions of viewers each month! But remember, we are funded solely by the subscribers to the print edition of CounterPunch. Please support this website by buying a subscription to our newsletter, which contains fresh material you won't find anywhere else, or by making a donation for the online edition. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! or write CounterPunch, PO BOX 228, Petrolia, CA 95558 |
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from CounterPunch Books! The Case Against Israel By Michael Neumann ![]() Today's Stories August 27 / 28, 2005 Diane
Christian
August 26, 2005 Lee
Sustar Ramzy
Baroud Christopher
Brauchli Peter
Harley John
Snider Kathleen
Christison August 25, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Cockburn
/ St. Clair J.L.
Chestnut, Jr. Chhandasi
Pandya Richard
Ward Norman
Solomon Joshua
Frank Seth
Sandronsky Lucinda
Marshall VIPS Ralph
Nader
August 24, 2005 Stan
Goff Rachard
Itani Elisa
Salasin Ron
Jacobs John
Chuckman Leibowitz
/ Heller Douglas
Valentine Thomas
Nagy Alexander
Cockburn Website
of the Day
August 23, 2005 Rev.
Graylan Scott Hagler Karen
Kilroy Stew
Albert Joshua
Frank Dave
Zirin Julia
Olmstead CounterPunch
Wire Jason
Leopold Diane
Christian
August 22, 2005 Sonia
Nettnin Mike
Whitney Kevin
Zeese Norman
Solomon Christopher
Brauchli Jeff
Bale Greg
Moses
August 20 / 21, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Saul
Landau Kevin
Zeese Greg
Moses Ray
McGovern Fred
Gardner Martin
Smith Benjamin
Granby Frankie
Lake Joshua
Frank Ron
Jacobs Tom
Crumpacker Mike
Ferner James
Petras Col.
Dan Smith Dr.
Teresa Whitehurst Ben
Tripp Poets'
Basement
August 19, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Neve
Gordon Gary
Leupp William
S. Lind Vijay
Prashad Dave
Lindorff Pat
Williams John
Pilger Elaine
Cassel
August 18, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Greg
Moses Ramzy
Baroud Joshua
Frank Monica
Benderman Paul
Craig Roberts
August 17, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Robert
Jensen Carl
G. Estabrook Mike
Whitney Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Norman
Solomon Dave
Zirin Jennifer
Loewenstein CounterPunch
August 16, 2005 Greg
Moses Thomas
Larson Diana
Barahona Dave
Lindorff Rep.
Cynthia McKinney Elisa
Salasin David
Krieger Alexander
Cockburn Website
of the Day
August 15, 2005 Greg
Moses Paul
Craig Roberts Mike
Whitney Robert
Jensen CounterPunch
Wire Norman
Solomon Kathleen
Christison
August 13 / 14, 2005 Cockburn
/ St. Clair William
Blum Gary
Leupp Jack
Z. Bratich Brian
Cloughley Ron
Jacobs John
Farley Dave
Lindorff Tim
Wise J.L.
Chestnut, Jr. John
Gershman Felice
Pace Fred
Gardner David
Krieger Roxanne
Dunbar-Ortiz Ben
Tripp Poets'
Basement
August 12, 2005 Christopher
Brauchli Greg
Moses Ramzy
Baroud Norman
Solomon Chris
Genovali Chris
Floyd Tariq
Ali
August 11, 2005 Saul
Landau Dave
Lindorff Ralph
Nader Talli
Nauman Gary
Leupp Sharon
Smith Paul
Craig Roberts
August 10, 2005 Tim
Wise Ron
Jacobs Joshua
Frank Cynthia
McKinney Rick
Wilhelm Stan
Goff
August 9, 2005 Mike
Ferner Monica
Benderman Mike
Marqusee Rep.
Cynthia McKinney Paul
Craig Roberts
August 6-8, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Jason
Leopold Ray
McGovern David
Krieger Sharon
K. Weiner / Robert Jensen Fred
Gardner
August 5, 2005 Bill
Christison Paul
Craig Roberts Alexander
Cockburn
August 4, 2005 Tom
Barry Lila
Rajiva Greg
Moses Alexander
Cockburn August 3, 2005
August 3, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Paul
Craig Roberts William
A. Cook Dave
Zirin Dave
Lindorff José
Pertierra
August 2, 2005 Ramzi
Kysia William
A. Cook Paul
Craig Roberts Mike
Whitney Ron
Jacobs Norman
Madarsz Tim
Wise
August 1, 2005 Virginia
Rodino Diana
Barahona Joshua
Frank Mike
Whitney Norm
Dixon Norman
Solomon James
Petras
July 30 / 31, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn JoAnn
Wypijewski Sheldon
Rampton Jack
Z. Bratich Greg
Moses Jordan
Green Patrick
Cockburn Brian
Cloughley Justin
Taylor Saul
Landau John
Walsh Joshua
Frank Ron
Jacobs Fred
Gardner John
Chuckman Liaquat
Ali Khan Remi
Kanazi Naveen
Jaganathan Richard
Heinberg Max
Watts Ben
Tripp Poets'
Basement
July 29, 2005 Cockburn
/ St. Clair P.
Sainath Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Dave
Lindorff J.L.
Chestnut, Jr. Pat
Williams Norman
Solomon Sen.
Russ Feingold
July 28, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts William
S. Lind Gilad
Atzmon Joshua
Frank Lila
Rajiva Amina
Mire Website
of the Day
July 27, 2005 Roger
Morris Gary
Leupp Paul
Craig Roberts Jackie
Corr Mike
Whitney Dave
Zirin Christopher
Bradley Norman
Solomon Website
of the Day
July 26, 2005 Suren
Pillay JoAnn
Wypijewski Patrick
Cockburn David
Anderson Joshua
Frank Lenni
Brenner David
Swanson
July 25, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts M.
Shahid Alam Uri
Avnery Stan
Cox Norman
Solomon Ramzy
Baroud Mickey
Z. Website
of the Day
July 23 / 24, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Tariq
Ali Robert
Fisk Dave
Lindorff Ricardo
Alarcón Col.
Dan Smith Brian
Cloughley Kevin
Zeese Bill
Quigley Fred
Gardner Rep.
Ron Paul Joshua
Frank Shivali
Tukdeo Gilad
Atzmon James
Petras Ben
Tripp Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
July 22, 2005 Heather
Gray David
Domke Lance
Selfa JoAnn
Wypijewski
July 21, 2005 Rose
Ann DeMoro William
Blum J.L.
Chestnut, Jr. Christopher
Brauchli Joshua
Frank Brian
Concannon, Jr. Patrick
Cockburn Website
of the Day
July 20, 2005 Cockburn
/ St. Clair Roxanne
Dunbar-Ortiz Ray
McGovern Chris
Floyd Uri
Avnery Dave
Lindorff Norman
Solomon Bill
Quigley
July 19, 2005 Tariq
Ali John
Ross Davey
D. Greg
Weiher Brian
McKinlay Norman
Solomon Dave
Lindorff Bill
Christison Joshua
Frank
July 18, 2005 Joshua
Frank M.
Shahid Alam Jude
Wanniski Ron
Jacobs Mike
Whitney William
MacDougall Seth
Sandronsky Richard
Lichtman Paul
Craig Roberts Website
of the Weekend
July 15 / 17, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Jeffrey
St. Clair Paul
Craig Roberts Harry
Browne Uri
Davis, Ilan Pappe and Tamar Yaron Andrew
Rubin Patrick
Cockburn J.L.
Chestnut, Jr. Fred
Gardner Christopher
Brauchli Chris
Floyd Ben
Tripp Col.
Dan Smith Jason
Leopold Jack
Random Norman
Solomon George
Ochenski Website
of the Weekend
July 14, 2005 Jeffrey
St. Clair Subcomandante
Marcos Dave
Lindorff Joshua
Frank Jude
Wanniski Dave
Zirin Kevin
Zeese Robert
Jensen Reza
Fiyouzat Carol
Norris Website
of the Day
July 13, 2005 Brian
Cloughley George
Galloway Carlos
Fierro Sarah
Knopp Norman
Solomon Mickey
Z. Jim
Minick Pat
Williams Andrew
N. Rubin Website
of the Day
July 12, 2005 Laith
al-Saud Kara
N. Tina William
A. Cook Jack
Bratich Amina
Mire Dick
J. Reavis Kevin
Zeese Paul
Craig Roberts Website
of the Day
July 9 / 11, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Uri
Avnery Sheldon
Rampton Bill
Christison Robert
Fisk Stephen
Winspear Saul
Landau Behrooz
Ghamari Karl
Beitel Brian
Concannon, Jr. Fred
Gardner John
Whitlow Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Lila
Rajiva Laura
Carlsen Jackie
Corr Dave
Lindorff N.
D. Jayaprakash Seth
Sandronsky Norman
Madarasz Ben
Tripp Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
July 8, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Tariq
Ali Monica
Benderman Rick
Jahnkow Christopher
Brauchli Kim
Peterson Joshua
Frank Norman
Solomon Website
of the Day
July 7, 2005 Cockburn
/ St. Clair John
Walsh Mike
Marqusee Gilad
Atzmon Nicole
Colson Jack
Random Norman
Solomon Len
Colodny Cockburn
/ St. Clair
Hot Stories Alexander Cockburn Subcomandante
Marcos Norman Finkelstein Steve Niva Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams Steve
J.B. Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber Wendell
Berry CounterPunch
Wire Cindy
Corrie Gore Vidal Francis Boyle
Subscribe Online
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August 27 / 28, 2005 Relating to VenezuelaHurricane Hugo (Chavez)By TOM BARRY As President Hugo Chavez adeptly leverages Venezuela's oil wealth to forge an array of regional alliances that leave the United States out in the cold, U.S. Venezuela tensions are heating up. Boosted by the rising prices of oil and the deepening regional anger over U.S. imperial arrogance, Chavez has proved able not only to construct a counter-hegemonic constituency in Venezuela among the country's poor majority but also to piece together a regional network that is challenging U.S. political and economic dominance. Uncle Sam is becoming the odd man out in the hemisphere claimed as U.S. domain since the early 19 th century. What is to be done? As Chavez's star has risen and as the U.S. stars and stripes increasingly become subject to derision, the Bush administration finds itself at a loss when attempting to stem the anti-imperial tide. All its attempts to persuade or dissuade, enforce, or manipulate have backfired. Meanwhile, President Chavez-the
democratically elected president whom TV evangelist Pat Robertson
said the U.S. "covert operatives" should "take
out"-has mounted an impressive public diplomacy campaign
backed by petrodollars that underwrite ambitious social and economic
development projects. Chavez is stirring hopes among Latin Americans
and Caribbean people that they can break free from the yoke of
U.S. power. Pat Robertson's observations that assassinating Chavez would be a cheaper foreign policy option than launching another $200 billion war and that such an action could be done without disrupting Venezuelan oil exports were not the ravings of a know-nothing fundamentalist preacher. Rather, they were the opinions of a politically powerful televangelist who over the past three decades has helped forge the Republican Party's strongest electoral constituency. Prior to the 2004 presidential election, Robertson heartily endorsed Bush, saying: "I believe the blessing of heaven is upon him." What's more, Robertson's political convictions-including his crucial leadership in supporting the Reagan administration's vengeful rollback policies in Central America, his fire-and-brimstone raging against the softliners of the State Department, and his essential role in aligning the Religious Right with hardline Zionists-have proved well within the mainstream politics of the ascendant right of the Republican Party. The State Department quickly dismissed Robertson's advice as "inappropriate." Clearly, Robertson's remarks were "inappropriate." But treating this as another media event, with accusations, disavowals, and recriminations, misses the opportunity that Robertson has afforded. What is an appropriate response to the new Bolivarian spirit of Hugo Chavez that the Bush administration and regional elites find so disconcerting? If the United States hopes to maintain productive diplomatic and economic relations with Latin America and the Caribbean, it would do well to consider what should be done differently. The U.S. government-and the U.S. public-would do well to use the Robertson brouhaha to draw up a list of what are inappropriate policies and remarks, while at the same time outlining more appropriate measures.
Get in the Bolivarian spirit by encouraging intraregional alliances that unify the Latin American and Caribbean nations and breakdown longstanding economic, border, and cultural tensions. It is in the best interests of the United States to have a Latin American region that seeks collectively to address its common problems. Chavez may be grandstanding, but he is on the money with much of his political rhetoric. What's more, he is putting money where his mouth is. Independence, self-reliance, and neighborhood problem-solving are core U.S. attributes. Rather than seeing these as a threat in Latin America, we should applaud and encourage these efforts. Chavez is right to evoke the politics of independence and unity heralded by Simon Bolivar. For centuries, the region has been mired in dependency and self-defeating nationalism. Whether his Bolivarian rhetoric is opportunistic or populist in the worst sense is not the issue. What Washington needs to understand is that this rhetoric resonates throughout the region because the time is right for a new approach-just as it was right in the early 1800s when Bolivar dreamed, fought, and agonized in his quest to bring political independence and unity to South America. Bolivar is not part of the U.S. legacy of Latin American relations. Yet with Franklin D. Roosevelt we have our own legendary figure whose policies can point the way toward more constructive U.S.-Latin American relations. Long past its own eras of fighting for independence and unity, the United States in the late 1930s and 1940s sought to reconcile its status as a regional hegemon with the best of its values. With his good neighbor policy, FDR broke with the politics of imperialism and offered a new framework for hemispheric politics-emphasizing self-determination, mutually beneficial trade, annual political forums, and cooperation. At the time, the Good Neighbor Policy was a radical breakthrough that succeeded in washing away much of the distrust and condescension that had previously prevailed in North-South relations. A revival of the Rooseveltian, good neighbor spirit would be just as salutary today. A good neighbor ethic means that the U.S. government wouldn't interfere in the internal politics of its hemispheric neighbors, as much as it disagreed with their politics and behavior-as long as there were no direct threats to our country. Contrary to what Robertson and other administration-associated ideologues would have us believe, the Chavez government is not exporting Muslim terrorism, communism, or any other politics that threaten life in the United States. With regard to the new trends in Latin America, self-determination should be the operative value that guides U.S. foreign policy rather than an insistence on a U.S.-determined course of political economics. Diplomacy rather than political assassination, kidnapping, coups, or political aid to Chavez opponents is the only appropriate U.S. foreign policy. Just as Chavez backs his explosive rhetoric with his ambitious social projects, the United States would do well for Latin America-and for itself-if it took some positive steps to demonstrate its commitment to development and democracy. The type of social projects and economic integration spearheaded by the Venezuelan government deserve the backing of the U.S. government and people. As is, it appears that Washington stands against literacy, healthcare, and agrarian reform programs. As is, it appears that Washington stands against the type of integration in which one economically privileged nation-in this case Venezuela with its wealth of oil-shares with its neighbors on favorable terms. Yes, such efforts redound to the credit of Chavez, and to his associate Fidel Castro; and yes, it is about politics and personalities as much or more than about altruism. But they would also redound to the credit of the United States if we backed such appealing initiatives rather than dismissing them or vainly seeking to discredit them.
Somehow, U.S. officials who have traveled this year to Latin America to try to shore up deteriorating relations, such as Condoleezza Rice, Donald Rumsfeld, and Southcom Bantz Craddock, don't get it. It is not a language problem, but an ideological one. U.S. actions speak even louder about U.S. intent than does its flatulent rhetoric. Obviously inappropriate actions include support for coups against foreign leaders, support for death squads and assassinations, continuing cover-up of past U.S. involvement in such operations, backing militarization over diplomacy and negotiations, and seeking to manipulate or otherwise influence elections. If Washington wants to establish itself as a respected hemispheric leader, and to counter or balance the rapidly increasing influence of Chavez, it should begin acknowledging as counterproductive and definitively inappropriate a wide range of other policies. The U.S. conception of economic integration is blatantly U.S.-centric. Critics both inside and outside the United States have repeatedly noted that Washington's idea of free trade is one-sided: when U.S. producers or investors are adversely affected, then protectionism rather than free trade rules. But this criticism bears repetition, especially since the Bush administration continues down the same path with the various regional and bilateral free trade accords it is currently pushing. The reason that the United States has any success at all with such a trade strategy is that it is a superpower with a mighty market. A "just say 'no'" response by Latin American and Caribbean nations is not plausible given current hemispheric asymmetries and in the absence of countervailing regional trade accords. The size and proximity of the U.S. market-the largest in the world-are not the only draws. Particularly in the Caribbean, Central America, and the Andes, national economies have become dependent on the U.S. market because of trade preferences proffered by Washington-in part related to counterinsurgency and drug war strategies, and in part related to a globalization strategy to create a U.S.-controlled regional trade bloc. The free trade deals offered these countries are not free at all. If Andean countries decide to reject U.S. free trade packages, then the United States will allow the trade preferences that benefit Latin American export sectors to expire. It is inappropriate and hypocritical for the United States to preach free trade but then threaten to resurrect trade barriers if these small trading partners do not sign on the dotted line of U.S.-constructed free trade "agreements." In contrast, Venezuela is offering the region highly preferential deals for oil while the Bush administration hypocritically insists that small countries like Bolivia and Ecuador play on a "level playing field" with the United States. Other policies that deserve to be condemned as inappropriate are those that cut off aid if a country refuses to guarantee impunity for U.S. troops and drug control agents, retaliate when Latin American neighbors refuse to echo the U.S. position at the United Nations, or use debt relief as a bargaining chip to force poor nations to adopt neoliberal policy reforms. Such policies don't incite the media attention that Robertson garnered for his broadcasting network and his radical views. But they are more contemptible because they define the reality of what is considered an appropriate U.S. foreign policy toward the region. Tom Barry is policy director of the International
Relations Center (IRC), online at www.irc-online.org,
and an associate of the IRC Americas Program.
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