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How the SEC Abetted Madoff's Heist, Then Covered Its Tracks
First the Swindle, Now the Whitewash. Eamonn Fingleton on how the SEC helped Madoff steal $50 billion and has now covered its tracks. Danny Weil on the latest big chapter in the smash and grab saga of neo-liberalism: privatizing Public Schools. Goodbye unions; hello “private contractors”. Now it’s Los Angeles’ turn. But, yes, we can fight back. Weil tells how. “All I ask is that the poor family I give the cow to promises never to send it to the abattoir.” Meet Lachchu, the man who saves cows. P. Sainath reports from India. Get your new edition today by subscribing online or calling 1-800-840-3683 Contributions to CounterPunch are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! CounterPunch books and t-shirts make great presents.
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Today's Stories September 25-7, 2009 Daniel Wolff David Michael Green Ramzy Baroud September 24, 2009 Steven Higgs Christopher Brauchli Marshall Auerback Stephanie Westbrook Nadia Hijab Sen. Russell Feingold David Macaray Binoy Kampmark Joe Allen Website of the Day September 23, 2009 Paul Craig Roberts Gabriel Kolko Uri Avnery Shamus Cooke Missy Beattie Gareth Porter Mark Weisbrot Dr. Susan Block Norm Kent Richard Neville Website of the Day September 22, 2009 Franklin C. Spinney The Huge Hole in Gen. McChrystal's Afghan Counterinsurgency Strategy Russell Mokhiber Greg Grandin Nikolas Kozloff John Ross Ron Jacobs Tariq Ali Dave Lindorff Harvey Wasserman Vijay Prashad Kareem Shora Website of the Day September 21, 2009 JoAnn Wypijewski Carl Finamore Uri Avnery Nikolas Kozloff Paul Simpson, M.D. Alan Nasser Ray McGovern Dave Lindorff Lina Thorne Jeb Sprague Website of the Day September 18-20, 2009 Alexander Cockburn Russell Mokhiber Mike Whitney David Michael Green Jonathan Cook Nadia Hijab Mark Weisbrot Michael Winship Michael Leonardi Andy Worthington Fred Gardner David Macaray David Rosen Jason Mark Mike Ferner Farzana Versey Ron Jacobs elin o'Hara slavick Gilad Aztmon David Yearsley Charles R. Larson Lorenzo Wolff Website of the Weekend
September 17, 2009 Joshua Frank Brenda Norrell Robert Weissman Pam Martens Franklin Lamb Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada Jed Bickman Alan Farago Website of the Day September 16, 2009 Ray McGovern Stephen Green Andy Worthington Dean Baker Anthony DiMaggio Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada Benjamin Dangl Robin Willoughby Eric Walberg James Ridgeway Website of the Day September 15, 2009 Mike Whitney Mutadhar al-Zaidi Marshall Auerback Afshin Rattansi Jonathan Cook Gareth Porter: Dave Lindorff Winslow T. Wheeler Franklin Spinney Karen Korenoski / David Macaray Susie Day Website of the Day September 14, 2009 Paul Craig Roberts M. G. Piety Shamus Cooke Bouthaina Shaaban Alvaro Huerta John Ross Harvey Wasserman Adam Federman Stephen Fleischman Robert Jensen Website of the Day September 11-13, 2009 Alexander Cockburn JoAnn Wypijewski Carl Ginsburg Leonard Peltier Franklin Lamb Benjamin Dangl Mike Whitney John Berger Saul Landau Russell Mokhiber Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada Felice Pace Jordan Flaherty Ron Jacobs David Macaray David Correia Robert Bryce Christopher Brauchli Paul Krassner Charles R. Larson Kim Nicolini David Yearsley Lorenzo Wolff Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend September 10, 2009 Joshua Frank Dean Baker Brian M. Downing Franklin C. Spinney Andy Worthington Chase Madar Farzana Versey Ronnie Cummins Binoy Kampmark Timothy Lebrón Charles R. Larson Website of the Day September 9, 2009 Richard Neville Melissa Checker Nadia Hijab Robert Weissman Jonathan Cook Russell Mokhiber James Ridgeway Richard W. Behan James McEnteer Martha Rosenberg Website of the Day September 8, 2009 Henry A. Giroux Stephen Soldz John Ross Jeff Leys Mike Whitney Ashcroft: Repugnant to the Constitution Shamus Cooke Ellen Brown Norman Solomon Men With Guns: In Kabul and Washington Deepak Tripathi Laray Polk Charles R. Larson Website of the Day September 7, 2009 Vicente Navarro Bouthaina Shaaban David Macaray Paul Craig Roberts Jonathan Cook Conn Hallinan Walter Brasch Mark Weisbrot Carl Finamore C. G. Estabrook Website of the Day September 4-6, 2009 Alexander Cockburn Carl Ginsburg Jonathan Cook George Wuerthner Marc Levy Ray McGovern Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada Joe Paff Gareth Porter Devin Beaulieu Anthony Papa David Ker Thomson Don Fitz Lee Sustar / Jim Goodman Wajahat Ali Ron Jacobs Helen Redmond John V. Walsh Charles R. Larson Mark Scaramella David Yearsley Ben Sonnenberg Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend September 3, 2009 Marcus Rediker Ron Jacobs Mike Whitney Ricardo Alarcón de Quesada Saul Landau Anat Matar Tanya Golash-Boza Dave Lindorff Andy Worthington Website of the Day September 2, 2009 John Ross Vijay Prashad Rev. Jim Rigby Joanne Mariner Missy Beattie Soren Ambrose Diane Farsetta Nadia Hijab Shamus Cooke Charles R. Larson Website of the Day September 1, 2009 Jeffrey St. Clair Paul Craig Roberts Mark T. Harris Dean Baker Jeffrey Buchanan Robin Mittenthal Ellen Brown Martha Rosenberg Website of the Day
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Weekend Edition The Gates Case RevisitedHow "White Magic" Makes the Ism of Race DisappearBy Rev. WILLIAM E. ALBERTS Cambridge police sergeant James M. Crowley’s arrest of Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates, Jr. for “disorderly conduct” in his own home triggered an intense, momentary national conversation on “race.” Not on racism. “White magic” has made racism largely disappear from American society. But out of sight out of mind is not foolproof. A white police officer’s blatant abuse of power and a preeminent black scholar’s alleging “racist cop” and, handcuffed on his front porch, yelling, “This is how black men are treated in America!,” threatened to make the ism in “race” reappear. Thus a heavy dose of “white magic” has been administered to camouflage the ism and protect the illusion of a “post-racial” America. An understanding of the “white magic” employed can contribute to the continuing struggle for “a more perfect union.” Mainstream media, a primary guardian of America’s white-controlled hierarchy of access to economic and political power, played a major role in redefining the issue as a problem of interpersonal relationships not institutional racism, and thus the need for yet another “national debate about race.” A New York Times story, for example, was subtitled, “An Encounter That Provoked A Talk on Race,” and its second paragraph contained the slant: “. . . a confrontation began between [italics added] a star black Harvard professor and a veteran white police officer that has turned into a heated national dialogue about race.” (July 27, 2009) A Boston Globe story was headlined, “Gates case strikes nerve, stirs racial debate.” The piece, creating a “dialogue about race,” reported that the “volatile affair” produced “a range of recent interviews indicat[ing] that personal opinions on the Gates case fall overwhelmingly along the familiar fault line of race.” That is, “For the most part, minorities said Gates would not have been arrested if he were white, and police probably would never have been called to begin with.” And, “Whites . . . tended to play down race as a factor and said tempers and egos, not skin color, caused the situation to get out of hand.” (July 26, 2009) The national “talk about race” headed South. A Miami Herald editorial, called “It’s time for our nation to talk about race,” began, “Let’s have [an] honest national encounter on racial progress.” According to the editorial, “racial progress” is strictly an individual matter:
The “racially charged debate” moved Westward. The Tulsa World carried a story titled, “The moment is beer: Obama, Gates, Crowley to chat,” which began, “Offering cold beer and careful words, President Barrack Obama is trying to bury a political distraction and show the U.S. how conversation can help ease racial conflict.” The story’s “conversation” continues, “For now, his stated agenda is simply to allow for a good, productive conversation among the three men. The hope, in turn, is that people in communities across the U.S. will see the meeting as a model for how to solve differences—more listening, less shooting from the lip.” The story quotes “Kelly McBride, a specialist in ethics at the Poynter Institute journalism center,” who stresses the individual nature of President Obama’s so-called “Beer Summit” with Sargeant Crowley and Professor Gates:
The “eye-opening dialogue on race” appeared in the Southwest. The power of interracial “dialogue” to create understanding and “change” is the bottom line of a story in the Austin Statesman on “Harvard prof, arresting policeman to talk again.” A quoted Democratic National Committee spokeswoman Karen Finney is given the piece’s last word:
The “ongoing discussion over race in America” reached the West Coast. A Los Angeles Times story on “Obama cheers a ‘teachable moment’ over beer with Gates, Crowley,” and illustrated with a photo of the three and Vice President Joe Biden drinking beer in the Rose Garden, reported that the talk will continue: “For the two men who raised their mugs with the president and vice president . . . the discussion on race and policing will go on. Sgt. Crowley,” the story added, “said afterward that he and African American studies scholar Henry Louis Gates, Jr. had made plans to talk further in a more private setting.” (July 31, 2009) The white-controlled media’s emphasis on a “national debate on race” serves to redefine America’s historic, institutionalized racial inequities as individual and interpersonal rather than institutional and governmental issues. The heralding of a “racial debate” automatically assumes an equality between white and black persons and other people of color that does not exist—an equality of responsibility for the nation’s ingrained racial inequities and of power to resolve them. In fact, the institutionalized inequities are made invisible by trumpeting a “colorblind” society. Such assumed equity may be called the racism of equality, as it denies and diverts attention from the nation’s inequitable status quo. Presto! In a flash of “white magic,” the USA’s defining, institutionalized white-controlled hierarchy of access to power and security vanishes. The ism is made to disappear from “race”—and to reappear in the form of individual behavior and interpersonal relationships. Similar to talk, the “white magic” of systemic racism uses code words to make America’s inequitable racial hierarchy disappear. Code words are a subtle way by which to remove the ism from “race.” Mainstream media especially employ code words to reinterpret racism as an interpersonal matter between individuals not an institutional and policy issue. This disappearing act is performed by the dominant press’s constant use of the word “race” and avoidance of “racism” as much as possible. Thus, as previously quoted, the “confrontation . . . between” Officer Crowley/Professor Gates is filled with code words: “An Encounter That Provoked A Talk on Race;” “a heated national debate on race;” “Gates’ case strikes nerve, stirs racial debate;” “fault line of race;” “whites tended to play down race as a factor . . . tempers and egos, not skin color, caused the situation to get out of hand;” “ugly racial history;” “inflamed tensions,” “issues of race;” “racism . . .is practiced by individuals of every ethnic or racial group;” “talk-and-listen honestly about race;” “racial conflict,” “a model for how to share differences;” “understand the others’ positions;” “the most important thing . . . is that two people sat down and talked to one another;” “the discussion of race and policing will go on. . . in a more private setting.” [italics added]. Code words allow the subject to be referred to as “race,” “race relations.” The problem may then be identified as “inflamed tensions,” “volatile affair.” If the subject and problem are presented as individual and interpersonal, the solution naturally follows: “Talk-and-listen-honestly about race and ethnicity;” “Talk to one another . . . That is how real change happens.” It is about reconciliation not restitution. Here the ism is taken out of “race” by being removed from its historical roots and institutional branches and redefined as an interpersonal issue between individuals. Shazam! In a printed stroke of “white magic,” America’s embedded, structurally maintained racial inequities disappear. In a flash, for example, the National Urban League’s 288-page “State of Black America 2009: Message to the President” is gone. Gone is the finding that “even as an African American man holds the highest office [in] the country, African Americans remain twice as likely as whites to be unemployed, three times more likely to live in poverty and more than six times as likely to be incarcerated.” Gone is the National Urban League report’s finding that the “2009 Equality Index, a statistical measurement of the status of blacks compared with whites, . . . stands at 71.1% . . . a general continuation of the status quo,” with “economics remain[ing] the area with the greatest degree of inequality, followed by social justice, health, education and civic engagement.” (“Executive Summary”) Gone are the National Urban League’s 31 specific recommendations, including:
Hocus Pocus! With mainstream media talking up a code words punctuated “national dialogue about race,” the deep-seated disparities contained in the United for a Fair Economy’s 70-page report will not see the full light of day. Called “State of the Dream 2009: The Silent Depression,” the report studied the silent, unacknowledged economic depression of people of color and found:
The “State of the Dream 2009: The Silent Depression” report, released on Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr’s 80th birthday anniversary, was apparently not well received and covered by America’s white-controlled, let’s “talk about race” media. Especially the report’s findings:
Nor would America’s mainstream press adequately publicize and editorialize about the “State of the Dream 2009: The Silent Depression” report’s proposed solutions;
“The State of the Dream 2009: The Silent Depression” report addresses the denial and diversion of a “national debate on race”: Sadly the nation at large took the civil rights work of the 1960’s and reduced its holistic comprehensive analysis to a simplistic notion of personal and individual racism [italics added]. The civil rights movement, and civil rights efforts since the founding of the country, recognized that inequity is rooted in societal institutions, aided and abetted by personal forms of racism. Institutional racism is embedded in the structures (i.e., cultural, organizational, governmental and academic, etc.) of our society and manifests itself in the distribution, implementation and access to resources and opportunities. . . . Finally, we need to reconnect ourselves, via policy and our unified voices to affirmative action. We need recognition of and apology for the U.S.’s centuries of slavery and segregation. We need a commitment to acknowledge and repudiate the institutional and individual racism—epitomized by today’s Black depression—that still pervades our society. (Introduction: Beyond Recession, Executive Summary, Ibid.) An earlier and classic example of the use of talk and code words to manage not mitigate America’s ongoing, and now recession-deepening “racial divide” is former President Bill Clinton’s 15-month long national “conversation about race.” Initiated in June 1997, Clinton’s so-called “honest dialogue on race,” like today’s, assumed an equality of power and responsibility for racism between white and black persons and other people of color that does not exist. An analysis of the coverage of the “honest dialogue” by an accommodating print media (The New York Times, The Washington Post and The Boston Globe) concluded that Clinton’s long national “dialogue on race” did not close the “nation’s lingering racial divide,” but served to redefine and thus control it. (See William E. Alberts, Research Report, “Taking the “ism” Out of Racism in the 21st Century: A Study of the Print Media’s Coverage of President Clinton’s National “Dialogue on Race,” published by The William Monroe Trotter Institute at the University of Massachusetts Boston, Winter 2002, 116 pages. The “white magic” employed by mainstream media, and others, to take the ism out of “race” is cited by University of Maryland Professor of Government and Politics Ron Walters. Obviously not impressed with Sgt. Crowley’s media-applauded teaching of cultural diversity to police trainees, Walters writes,
Citing his book, The Price of Racial Reconciliation (The Politics of Race and Ethnicity), Professor Walters zeroes in on the critical issue of who has the powerful last word:
“A more perfect union” is not about “bringing the races together” but about bringing equal access to economic and political power to the races. It is not about “individuals of every ethnic or racial group” getting along better but about them getting by better. It is not about the “inflamed tensions” of interracial group dynamics but about human potential and hope turned into ashes by group discrimination. It is not about an “honest dialogue on race” but about an honest diagnosis of America’s racial inequities. It is not about making the ism disappear from “race” but about removing racism from America’s institutions. It is not about being “colorblind” but about being colorful. It is about making America’s white-controlled hierarchy of access disappear. It is about every person’s right to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” Rev. William E. Alberts, Ph.D. is a hospital chaplain and a diplomate in the College of Pastoral Supervision and Psychotherapy. Both a Unitarian Universalist and a United Methodist minister, he has written research reports, essays and articles on racism, war, politics and religion. He can be reached at william.alberts@bmc.org.
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Now Available from CounterPunch Books! Yellowstone Drift: Spell Albuquerque: Waiting for
Lightning
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