FacebookTwitterGoogle+RedditEmail

Aviation Responsibility in times of War

by

It is very similar to driving a car. If the road is open, you assume that it is safe. If it’s closed you find an alternate route.
-Tony Tyler, International Air Transport Association, Jul 20, 2014

Political mileage, extension, and much noise continues to be made about the shooting down of MH17. It has, for instance, become the perfect distraction for an astonishingly unpopular prime minister in Australia. While asylum seekers historically vanish on the high seas in the name of Tony Abbott’s humanitarian sense of worth, much noise can be made about civilians lost because of the exploits of separatists, engaged in a conflict most Australians would struggle finding on a map.

The urge to blame has become nastily comic, with British news crews scouring the Sussex countryside for clues about the whereabouts of one of Vladimir Putin’s daughters. (Seek the Russki in the county, and you shall find.) Dutch voices, egged on by Ukrainian support, have called for the expulsion of the other daughter in the Netherlands, suggesting that offspring must carry within them the seeds of responsibility for the alleged roles of their fathers.

While vendettas are being sought and ordered, and the campaign in Donetsk intensifies, there is another dimension of potential blame, or, to use the legal language of the moment, culpability. Does responsibility lie, for instance, with the smattering of aviation organisations, staffed by desk clerks who examine air routes, and consult the book of regulations? Or is it ultimately states who jealously guard air routes as expressions of power?

A group that is involved in investigating the crash site is the Montreal-based International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO). It is an organisation that does take interest in aviation safety, but it is one without fangs, a fairly typical state of affairs. The ICAO tends to come across as a bit rarefied, distant from the actual play of flight travel. Safety advisories do not fall into its remit, the feeling being that such statements should come from another source. The most it did last Wednesday was issue a statement from ICAO Council President Olumuyima Benard Aliu that, “The use of weapons against international civil aviation absolutely cannot be tolerated.”

This, it has to be said, is the standing problem with international aviation in general. It lags in other areas of international regulation. The ICAO, in a statement, claims it is consulting the International Transport Association and other aviation bodies “on the respective roles of states, airlines and international organisations for assessing the risk of airspace affected by armed conflict.” The general assumption had been that zones deemed safe by the sages at IATA and ICAO was good enough for any airline to reply upon, though such assumptions, in the absence of context, are dangerous. The Ukrainian case was particularly perilous, given the downing of a cargo jet some days prior at 21,000.

For those who believe that the state is withering away before the corrosions of the company boardroom, vigorous banksters and the overheating financial sector in general, such incidents as MH17 reveal the opposite problem: that states find the air above their soil distinctly precious, and worth holding. The surrender of any such airspace to an international body reeks of sovereign impingement, though it renders the burden of aviation safety far more onerous.

At the time MH17 fell out of the skies, Ukrainian authorities had closed the airspace above Donetsk to a height of 32,000 feet (9,800 metres). But other airlines preferred to avoid the entire area altogether, suggesting a whole range of responses at work. MH17 did, however, have company, be it Lufthansa’s flights to Bangkok, or Thai Airways and KLM itself. Russia’s own Aeroflot flew through the area 86 times, while Singapore Airlines came in second at 75. This veritable mash suggests both the chaos, and unevenness of decisions behind aviation routes and war zones.

There is a gathering awareness, in the legal direction, that Ukraine does bear ultimately responsibility for its airspace. Just as states desire to remain sovereign of the air that hovers above their territories, it follows that responsibility ultimately falls to countries to maintain the safety of its air routes. As Tony Tyler, chief executive of the International Air Transport Association, has suggested, “Airlines depend on governments and air traffic control authorities to advise which air space is available for flight, and they plan within those limits.”

His analogy of the road that is closed, necessitating the need to find another one, is only partly useful. In the Ukrainian case, the analogy of a toll road1 is better. A case of human lives becomes a matter of cash, empty pockets and regulation. The Ukrainian authorities, ever short of cash, have been receiving overflight flees from commercial flights above the territory, an unhealthy state of affairs when it comes to safety. Something tends to give in such cases.

RIA Novosti (Jul 24), while being a Russian source, reached for the Chicago Convention on International Civil Aviation and the ICAO regulation DOC 9554/932. Once Ukraine ratified the Chicago Convention in 2003, it became a member of the ICAO, binding it to “associated legal obligations”. While the paper does venture into speculating that Ukrainian authorities may well have initiated the strike on MH17, it does outline a few pertinent points. For one, “ongoing military confrontation” is no excuse for belligerents to attack commercial aircraft.

The clinger, however, is the Manual Concerning Safety Measures Relating to Military Activities Potentially Hazardous to Civil Aircraft Operations. As the manual states, “the responsibility for initiating the coordination process rests with the States whose military forces are engaged in the conflict” (para 10.2). Safety falls squarely on Ukraine’s broad, if troubled shoulders.

And just in case there was any doubt, poor coordination of such safety measures is no exemption. “[T]he responsibility for instituting special measures to ensure the safety for international civil aircraft operations remainswith the states responsible for providing air traffic services in the airspace affected by the conflict, even in cases where coordination is not initiated or completed.” While international civil aviation may well have ended up with bloodied egg on its face, the dock of inquiry and blame will have to be filled with more than just those who pulled the fateful trigger.

Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge.  He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne.  Email: bkampmark@gmail.com

Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com

More articles by:

CounterPunch Magazine

minimag-edit

bernie-the-sandernistas-cover-344x550

zen economics

February 20, 2017
Bruce E. Levine
Humiliation Porn: Trump’s Gift to His Faithful…and Now the Blowback
Melvin Goodman
“Wag the Dog,” Revisited
Robert Hunziker
Fukushima: a Lurking Global Catastrophe?
David Smith-Ferri
Resistance and Resolve in Russia: Memorial HRC
Kenneth Surin
Global India?
Norman Pollack
Fascistization Crashing Down: Driving the Cleaver into Social Welfare
Patrick Cockburn
Trump v. the Media: a Fight to the Death
Susan Babbitt
Shooting Arrows at Heaven: Why is There Debate About Battle Imagery in Health?
Matt Peppe
New York Times Openly Promotes Formal Apartheid Regime By Israel
David Swanson
Understanding Robert E. Lee Supporters
Michael Brenner
The Narcissism of Donald Trump
Martin Billheimer
Capital of Pain
Thomas Knapp
Florida’s Shenanigans Make a Great Case for (Re-)Separation of Ballot and State
Jordan Flaherty
Best Films of 2016: Black Excellence Versus White Mediocrity
Weekend Edition
February 17, 2017
Friday - Sunday
David Price
Rogue Elephant Rising: The CIA as Kingslayer
Matthew Stevenson
Is Trump the Worst President Ever?
Jeffrey St. Clair
Roaming Charges: Tinker, Tailor, Soldier, Flynn?
John Wight
Brexit and Trump: Why Right is Not the New Left
Diana Johnstone
France: Another Ghastly Presidential Election Campaign; the Deep State Rises to the Surface
Neve Gordon
Trump’s One-State Option
Roger Harris
Emperor Trump Has No Clothes: Time to Organize!
Joan Roelofs
What Else is Wrong with Globalization
Andrew Levine
Why Trump’s Muslim Travel Ban?
Mike Whitney
Blood in the Water: the Trump Revolution Ends in a Whimper
Vijay Prashad
Trump, Turmoil and Resistance
Ron Jacobs
U.S. Imperial War Personified
David Swanson
Can the Climate Survive Adherence to War and Partisanship?
Andre Vltchek
Governor of Jakarta: Get Re-elected or Die!
Patrick Cockburn
The Coming Destruction of Mosul
Norman Pollack
Self-Devouring Reaction: Governmental Impasse
Steve Horn
What Do a Louisiana Pipeline Explosion and Dakota Access Pipeline Have in Common? Phillips 66
Brian Saady
Why Corporations are Too Big to Jail in the Drug War
Graham Peebles
Ethiopia: Peaceful Protest to Armed Uprising
Luke Meyer
The Case of Tony: Inside a Lifer Hearing
Binoy Kampmark
Adolf, The Donald and History
Robert Koehler
The Great American Awakening
Murray Dobbin
Canadians at Odds With Their Government on Israel
Fariborz Saremi
A Whole New World?
Joyce Nelson
Japan’s Abe, Trump & Illegal Leaks
Christopher Brauchli
Trump 1, Tillerson 0
Yves Engler
Is This Hate Speech?
Dan Bacher
Trump Administration Exempts Three CA Oil Fields From Water Protection Rule at Jerry Brown’s Request
Richard Klin
Solid Gold
Melissa Garriga
Anti-Abortion and Anti-Fascist Movements: More in Common Than Meets the Eye
Thomas Knapp
The Absurd Consequences of a “Right to Privacy”
FacebookTwitterGoogle+RedditEmail