Annual Fundraising Appeal
Over the course of 21 years, we’ve published many unflattering stories about Henry Kissinger. We’ve recounted his involvement in the Chilean coup and the illegal bombings of Cambodia and Laos; his hidden role in the Kent State massacre and the genocide in East Timor; his noxious influence peddling in DC and craven work for dictators and repressive regimes around the world. We’ve questioned his ethics, his morals and his intelligence. We’ve called for him to be arrested and tried for war crimes. But nothing we’ve ever published pissed off HK quite like this sequence of photos taken at a conference in Brazil, which appeared in one of the early print editions of CounterPunch.
100716HenryKissingerNosePicking
The publication of those photos, and the story that went with them, 20 years ago earned CounterPunch a global audience in the pre-web days and helped make our reputation as a fearless journal willing to take the fight to the forces of darkness without flinching. Now our future is entirely in your hands. Please donate.

Day11

Yes, these are dire political times. Many who optimistically hoped for real change have spent nearly five years under the cold downpour of political reality. Here at CounterPunch we’ve always aimed to tell it like it is, without illusions or despair. That’s why so many of you have found a refuge at CounterPunch and made us your homepage. You tell us that you love CounterPunch because the quality of the writing you find here in the original articles we offer every day and because we never flinch under fire. We appreciate the support and are prepared for the fierce battles to come.

Unlike other outfits, we don’t hit you up for money every month … or even every quarter. We ask only once a year. But when we ask, we mean it.

CounterPunch’s website is supported almost entirely by subscribers to the print edition of our magazine. We aren’t on the receiving end of six-figure grants from big foundations. George Soros doesn’t have us on retainer. We don’t sell tickets on cruise liners. We don’t clog our site with deceptive corporate ads.

The continued existence of CounterPunch depends solely on the support and dedication of our readers. We know there are a lot of you. We get thousands of emails from you every day. Our website receives millions of hits and nearly 100,000 readers each day. And we don’t charge you a dime.

Please, use our brand new secure shopping cart to make a tax-deductible donation to CounterPunch today or purchase a subscription our monthly magazine and a gift sub for someone or one of our explosive  books, including the ground-breaking Killing Trayvons. Show a little affection for subversion: consider an automated monthly donation. (We accept checks, credit cards, PayPal and cold-hard cash….)
cp-store

or use
pp1

To contribute by phone you can call Becky or Deva toll free at: 1-800-840-3683

Thank you for your support,

Jeffrey, Joshua, Becky, Deva, and Nathaniel

CounterPunch
 PO Box 228, Petrolia, CA 95558

Who is Really in Charge of the European Union's Food Safety Policies?

Forcing GM Crops on Europe

by DAVID CRONIN

Over the past few weeks, two EU commissioners have been sounding markedly different notes about genetically modified (GM) crops.

First, the trade chief Karel de Gucht insisted that the Union was not going to “abandon” its biotechnology policy as part of a deal with the US. Eager to put a positive spin on the planned trans-Atlantic trade and investment partnership (TTIP), de Gucht said that any “regulatory cooperation” stemming from the accord would be undertaken “without lowering the protection” to food and the environment.

De Gucht’s comments implied that the Brussels bureaucracy is either opposed to GM foods or has serious reservations about them. That must be news to his colleague Tonio Borg. As the EU’s health commissioner, Borg is busy trying to force these unwanted items onto our supermarket shelves.

Even though 19 of the Union’s 28 governments last week registered their opposition to a GM maize manufactured by the American firm DuPont Pioneer, Borg appears determined to approve it. The only “justification” for his patently anti-democratic behaviour is that the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) has deemed the crop to be safe.

EFSA relies on “studies” undertaken by the biotech industry (hence biased) when assessing new products. Independent research calling into question the safety of GM foods – such as that conducted by French scientist Gilles-Eric Séralini – has been rejected by the authority. De Gucht’s attempt to assuage public concerns was misleading. He knows very well that Monsanto, Syngenta and other firms determined to play a dangerous game with nature are frustrated with how a majority of EU countries have establish a de factomoratorium on planting GM crops.

EuropaBio, an umbrella group for makers of GM seeds, has a wish-list for the trans-Atlantic trade talks. It wants the EU to adopt the same kind of system for assessing GM foods as the American one.

The US approach is preferable, the association believes, because fewer questions are asked and less data has to be submitted when firms want to have their bids for new products rubber-stamped by officialdom.

De Gucht has been using different terminology depending on who his targeted audience is. Addressing the
9780745333335_p0_v1_s260x420Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) in New York last year, he claimed that the “level of ambition” for the trans-Atlantic trade talks needed to be high “because the more regulatory convergence we can achieve between us, the more scope there is for this model to influence other countries around the world.” European citizens are far less likely than guests of a corporate-funded “think tank” like the CFR to applaud such blatant pleas to turn this continent into America’s copy-cat. So instead of “convergence”, de Gucht is now speaking of “cooperation”, a softer, more feminine word.

Strip away the semantics and we find that the agenda has not changed.

Both the EU and the US remain committed to establishing a specialised court, in which corporations would be able to sue and demand “compensation” from governments over laws or policies that put public welfare before the interests of capital. In trade jargon, this idea is known as “investor-to-state dispute settlement”.

De Gucht has announced that he will invite ordinary people to express their opinion on this matter. A three-month “public consultation exercise” on this topic is scheduled to begin in March.

If de Gucht was more honest, he would rename the whole thing a “public relations” exercise. Despite boasting that the trans-Atlantic talks have involved an “unprecedented level of openness”, his door has been mainly open to corporate lobbyists. Ninety-three per cent of all preparatory meetings which the European Commission’s trade department held before the negotiations were launched last summer involved representatives of big business.

Restrictions on planting GM foods in Europe are exactly the kind of things that are likely to be challenged in “dispute resolution” courts, run by pro-corporate arbitrators.

A separate – though not unrelated – trade deal which the EU has signed with Canada also provides for the establishment of such courts. CropLife Canada, a biotech alliance, wasted no time in expressing its delightafter that deal was clinched in October last.

In April 2013, Karel de Gucht dismissed as “all-in-all minor issues” the demands by Kentucky Fried Chicken that the EU lift its ban on washing poultry meat in chlorine. Less than a year later, he now wants us to believe that he is a valiant defender of food safety.

Who does he think he is fooling?

David Cronin is the author of the new book Corporate Europe: How Big Business Sets Policies on Food, Climate and War published by Pluto Press.

A version of this article  was first published by EUobserver.