In the wake of the lethal rampage by a US sergeant who killed 16 Afghans in the early hours of March 11, the Taliban have put a halt to talks with the Americans and President Hamid Karzai has demanded that NATO troops pull out of the villages and return to their camps.
As with the burning of the Korans last month, the US Army and the Pentagon have been groveling in contrition: the acting commander of the U.S.-led coalition, Lt. Gen. Adrian Bradshaw, expressed “deep regret and sorrow at this appalling incident. I cannot explain the motivation behind such callous acts, but they were in no way part of authorized … military activity.”
Americans have been expressing bafflement that there has not been more outrage in Afghanistan about the latest lethal rampage. Afghans could be forgiven for suffering “massacre fatigue”, precisely because “authorized military activity” by US troops and special forces in Afghanistan has long since degenerated into a lethal culture of assassination, “revenge” sorties, desecration of bodies, harvesting of trophies such as severed fingers, ears and the like. In the recent past Afghans have also been able to study photographs of laughing American soldiers pissing on the bodies of dead Afghans.
Back in April of 2010 after furiously denying responsibility for the deaths of three Afghan women in a messed up Special Forces night-times raid, the US commander in Kabul admitted US forces had indeed killed the women after first killing two civilians — a district prosecutor and local police chief. The self-styled American “Kill Team” shot the two men to death as they emerged from their homes armed with Kalashnikov rifles, to investigate, as the raid began.
The same unit killed the three women, from the same house, a bit later. The US military denied charges by Afghans of evidence tampering but a London Sunday Times report asserted that the Afghan investigators had also concluded that American forces not only killed the women but had also “dug bullets out of their victims’ bodies in the bloody aftermath” and then “washed the wounds with alcohol before lying to their superiors about what happened.”
Late last year, four U.S. soldiers from a Stryker brigade at the base were convicted of deliberately murdering Afghan civilians in a series of killing sprees, and of collecting their body parts as trophies, in the Maiwand district. They were sentenced to prison terms ranging between three years and life, though the ringleader, Calvin Gibbs will be eligible for parole in ten years.
A year ago NATO helicopter gunships killed nine young boys who were collecting firewood near their home in the northeastern province of Kunar. The boys were all between the ages of nine and 15. The dead included two sets of brothers.
The one survivor of the attack was an 11-year-old boy named Hemad. He told the New York Times, “The helicopters hovered over us, scanned us and we saw a green flash from the helicopters. Then they flew back high up, and in a second round they hovered over us and started shooting.” The boy went on to say the helicopter gunships “shot the boys one after another.”
This came on the heels of accusations by an Afghan government team of investigators that NATO forces were killing large numbers of civilians in air strikes, one involving some 65 people, including 40 children.
For public consumption US strategy in Afghanistan has been “population-centric counterinsurgency,” or COIN, “winning hearts and minds”, slowly building up trust among suspicious Afghans, all part of the great project of nation building.
The actual strategy was well described on March 3, 2011, on the Amy Goodman Show by journalist Rick Rowley who had spent months in the field in Afghanistan:
“After the surge was bogged down and COIN was failing in both Marjah and Kandahar, the U.S. has turned to a firepower-intensive kind of combat. They’re resorting to air strikes. Night raids have risen to an astronomical level where there’s a thousand raids a month happening, up from 30 raids a month in 2008. Decades after Vietnam, one decade into this war, we’ve gone back to body counts as our only way of measuring any kind of progress in the war.” According to Rowley, “the covert, dark war has eclipsed completely the conventional war right now, that special forces is now killing and capturing, in completely covert, untransparent operations, more Taliban and Afghans than the entire conventional NATO force.”
Throw into this mix obvious major deficiencies in leadership abilities by junior US officers and you have the recipe for constant diet of atrocities As yet we are nowhere near the truth of what happened last Sunday. A Seattle lawyer, John Henry Browne, says his client – still unnamed – had been injured twice during three tours in Iraq and was reluctant to serve again on the frontline. Browne also claimed the soldier had witnessed a friend’s leg being blown off the day before he went on his rampage.
Was the unidentified killer actually acting alone or in concert with others in his unit? Some Afghan witnesses say there was more than one American soldier involved in the killing of the 16.
Throw into this mix the soaring death toll from drone strikes, both in Afghanistan and in Pakistan’s border region, the subject of an excellent CounterPunch column recently by Laura Flanders.
“There’s been real blowback from the burning of the Quran, but there has also been real blowback from the killings from continued drone strikes,” says Ann Wright, a former State Department diplomat and retired Army colonel who stood trial last month for protesting US drone attacks.
Absurdly, the CIA claims that since May 2010, drones have killed more than 600 carefully selected human targets and not a single non-combatant. Recently the British-based Bureau of Investigative Journalism concluded after a long investigation that this is nonsense. According to the Bureau, at least 45 civilians were killed in 10 drone strikes on the Pakistan/Afghanistan border region during this past year alone. Between 282 and 535 civilians, including 60 minors, have been credibly reported as killed as a result of drone strikes since US President Barack Obama took office. At least 50 civilians have been killed in second-wave drone strikes – shot down as they were helping the wounded. More than twenty other civilians were killed in strikes on funerals.
The US war in Afghanistan was lost a long time ago. Today, a US soldier is unwise to turn his back for long on the Afghan he is supposedly assisting to nationhood. We can brace ourselves for more horror stories like the one that came to light last Sunday until NATO’s beaten armies clamber onto the planes and head for home.
A tumbril (n.) a dung cart used for carrying manure, now associated with the transport of prisoners to the guillotine during the French Revolution.
Rumors had been sweeping the Revolutionary Tribunal that prosecutor Fouquier-Tinville would be handing down an important indictment. In the event it turned out to be a powerful one from my co-editor Jeffrey St Clair, author of important works on the environment and on “green” hokum, and a known admirer of Maximilien Robespierre and his associate St. Just. Let us give Citoyen actif Jeffrey the floor without further ado:
“The environmental movement has become freighted with more and more deceptive terms. Let’s begin by banishing the tiresome phrase sustainable development. Coined by NGOs in the 1970s, this discreditable term has been used to put a green gloss on everything from mega-dams to rainforest logging. Endless development is a more accurate description.
“Next, let us eliminate the Mephistophelian phase win-win solution, a verbal potion of the Clinton era that was used to justify oil drilling in the Arctic, logging in the redwoods, and rollbacks in air pollution standards. In win-win solutions, industry gets what it wants and environmental groups get paid in grants to go along with the deal.
“Finally, let us jettison the term holistic, especially when affixed to “ecosystem” or “resource management”. ” Holistic is a merely a New Age-update of the venerable term “multiple use,” one of the oldest cons in the history of conservation. Multiple use was the ludicrous notion that public lands could be all things to all people (or more properly all industries). In other words, wildlife could peacefully co-exist with mining, logging, livestock and off-road vehicle use. Holistic ecosystem management posits the same battered notion, but escalates the deception by suggesting that logging and grazing are actually beneficial to the long-term health of the ecosystem.”
The revolutionary tribunal’s jury did not tarry in issuing its summary verdict. Off rattled the tumbril and soon, after “win-win” had been politely prised apart by Executioner Sanson, the fatal blade rose and fell.
Also consigned to the tumbril, the portmanteau term strategist, meaning anyone invoked by a political journalist as a source.
“Alex, here are a couple of related nominations: the repugnant “walk back,” and its passive, reflexive, regurgitive form “I mis-spoke myself.” Cheers, Marv Waterstone”
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Decade after decade Dow Chemical battles any meaningful safety standard for one of the world’s most lethal toxins. Peter Lee reports from the battlefield. He opens his dossier thus:
“The dioxin war is an interesting test case as to whether the chemical companies have crossed the line from amoral (making the strongest case on behalf of their shareholders) to immoral (deliberately compromising the ability of the government to implement legitimate public health objectives) in their determined and expensive effort to delay the introduction of meaningful dioxin standards.
“Maybe Dow Chemical has crossed that line.”
From India Marina Forti reports on the bloody pillage by terror gangs of mineral-rich territory inhabited by India’s poorest tribes:
“The mineral belt and the tribal belt of India overlap almost exactly. And it is across this “overlapping map” of mineral, forests and tribal people that the conflict is raging. An old conflict – going back over decades of the dispossession of the tribals and marginal peoples – and yet very modern, for the rush to exploit the natural resources remains high in spite of the global economic downturn: iron ore to transform into steel, bauxite, coal to feed energy-hungry India’s thermal plants. So, the pressure on these lands, paddies and forests will grow, souring old conflicts, exasperating deep injustices and igniting new revolts.”
Here in Depression America JoAnn Wypijewski reports on God and cars in Kokomo.
New Covenant is a church of car nuts. Every summer it holds a car show in the parking lot. Rick Burgei retold the congregation’s foundation myth that Sunday. There was this 1968 Camaro, so beautiful in shiny yellow, and Rick loved that car. No sooner had he bought it than the Lord said to him, “Rick?”
“Rick, will you sell that car?”
“Why, Lord, I just bought it.”
“I know, Rick, but one day I’m going to ask you to sell that car, and what will you say? Will you sell the car?”
And the Lord was satisfied. Ten years later He said, “Rick?”
“It’s time to sell that car, and build my church.”
So began New Covenant, and the transformation of Rick Burgei from a n’ere do well, former drug addict and Catholic to the coiffed and burnished, prosperous pastor and regional televangelist that he is today.
Alexander Cockburn can be reached at firstname.lastname@example.org