FacebookTwitterGoogle+RedditEmail

A President Without a Party, a Party Without a President

by DON NORTH

A year ago, I attended the inauguration of Mauricio Funes as President of El Salvador, after covering the election campaign. My recent documentary Yesterday’s Enemies concludes with the dramatic narrow victory of Funes that enabled him to become president of his nation, which inspired the Salvadoran nation to believe change may at last be possible and that a new era in El Salvador’s history could be starting. I had reported on the bloody civil war in 1983 when El Salvador was a battlefield for the U.S. and the Soviet Union in the Cold War. At that time the FMLN was considered the most powerful leftist guerilla group in the America’s. Funes won the presidency skillfully, taking on the concept of change in a traditionally conservative society, but one that was tired of right wing governments incapable of transforming poverty, inequality, injustice and insecurity into something better.

Now that the June 1st anniversary of President Funes inauguration recently passed, the FMLN and Funes are changing. But many Salvadorans now feel they have a President without a party and a party in power without a President. Funes continues to face challenges from the left and right. Business and conservative sectors do not trust him. In attempting to win their confidence, Funes has reached out to conservative leaders and the financial sector. He is following policy recommendations of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. He has made many concessions and thus, the sizeable leftist wing of his FLMN feels that he has drifted the party too far to the right. Nevertheless, faced with a right-wing bloc in the National Assembly that threatens to prevent initiatives he supports from passing, Funes anticipated the inevitable split within the ARENA party. Bills that were thwarted years ago are now likely to become law. The price is to be challenged by officials within his own FMLN, but Funes has shown remarkable skills of being capable of achieving FMLN goals and he has still retained a good deal of support within his party.

In September 2009 in a speech to the United Nations, Funes asserted he is leading a government of national unity. The same month he was named the most popular president in Latin America.

Certainly Funes has moved toward the center in order to achieve his campaign promises of hope and change. His situation is similar to that of President Barack Obama, as the pluses and minuses involved here are very similar. Both took over the presidency from conservative administrations. Both presidents have constituencies in their parties, which are farther to the left on the political spectrum than their leader.

Funes’ centrist stance has enhanced his popularity and made it more likely that his government can legislate improvements in the economy and implement harsh military measures to stem the lawlessness that claims an average of 12 murder victims each day.

Funes also has distanced himself from the traditional hard line FMLN policies embraced by Vice President Sanchez Ceren. This maneuver has proved successful in the polls. Recently Ceren was in Venezuela and strongly supported Hugo Chávez and lashed out against the United States. Funes publicly rebuked him and Ceren was forced to acknowledge that only President Funes could set the course of El Salvador’s foreign policy. The FMLN hard liners have seemingly accepted the fact they cannot appeal to a majority of Salvadorans and have settled into an uneasy alliance with the popular President.

Funes’ tough stance on reversing his country’s environmental crisis has won him support on both the left and right, although is not likely to immediately help the economy. The President refused to grant mining rights for the Canadian-owned El Dorado gold mines, citing severe cyanide contamination and the use of scarce water supplies to extract the ore. Pacific Rim mining company is now suing the El Salvador government for hundreds of millions of dollars, claiming their rights under the US-Central American Free Trade agreement.

Another popular move on Funes’ part was to send 5,000 troops into the streets to combat the rising crime and murder rate. So far, however, the bold martial initiative has had little effect.

The main challenge for Funes is dealing with the nation’s serious economic crisis. The standard of living has dangerously sagged in recent years to the extent 40% of Salvadorans live in poverty. Unemployment is also in the range of that 40% at the same time fewer dollars are flowing back into the country resulting from shrinking remittances from the US. With the worldwide downturn in the economy it is unlikely El Salvador can dramatically forge ahead anytime soon.

After only one year it may be too early to assess the results of initiatives launched by Funes, but so far they have been popular and have sustained his high approval rating. Last September, his approval rating was at 84%, the highest in the 15 Latin countries surveyed.

Funes ultimately found many substantial successes throughout his first year. Some of the most important are the fact that he strengthened the country’s agricultural sector and its ability to produce its own food needs by increasing agriculture production and legalizing land possession. He also initiated an expansion of the school lunch program. In a move to bolster local economies as well as help school children, he contracted to produce 2.8 million school uniforms to be freely distributed. As a part of this same program, he also improved Public Health programs and eliminated charges in public hospitals.

In a major step to healing war wounds and promoting reconciliation, Funes made a formal apology and announced an investigation of the 1980 assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero. However, he was criticized by the right for failing to also apologize for the abuses committed by FMLN rebels during the war. The UN estimated that the FMLN was responsible for 15% of abuses while ARENA was responsible for 85%.

On the foreign relations front, Funes improved relations with the US during a state visit to Washington. Funes made a positive impression in his address to the United Nations General Assembly and has taken an active initiative to resolve South American relations, including a leadership position in resolving the post-coup problems of Honduras.

In one year it is unrealistic to expect that a new President can change a situation that El Salvador has experienced since its birth as a republic. In spite of some progress in the face of worldwide economic malaise, Funes has proved incapable of fighting crime and violence, which is presently the country’s main crisis. He has failed to effectively fight the corruption of previous regimes and has made little progress in reversing the inequalities of this society, which due to its construction of wealth and power, is more in keeping with a feudal monarchy than a democracy. For Funes, the honeymoon is over. He promised hope and change during the election campaign, and these are now very much overdue.

DON NORTH is an independent filmmaker. His latest film is Guazapa: Yesterday’s Enemies.

This article was original published by the Council on Hemispheric Affairs.

 

WORDS THAT STICK

 

Weekend Edition
April 29, 2016
Friday - Sunday
Andrew Levine
What is the Democratic Party Good For? Absolutely Nothing
Roberto J. González – David Price
Anthropologists Marshalling History: the American Anthropological Association’s Vote on the Academic Boycott of Israeli Institutions
Robert Jacobs
Hanford, Not Fukushima, is the Big Radiological Threat to the West Coast
Ismael Hossein-Zadeh
US Presidential Election: Beyond Lesser Evilism
Dave Lindorff
The Push to Make Sanders the Green Party’s Candidate
Peter Linebaugh
Marymount, Haymarket, Marikana: a Brief Note Towards ‘Completing’ May Day
Ian Fairlie
Chernobyl’s Ongoing Toll: 40,000 More Cancer Deaths?
Pete Dolack
Verizon Sticks it to its Workers Because $45 Billion isn’t Enough
Moshe Adler
May Day: a Trade Agreement to Unite Third World and American Workers
Margaret Kimberley
Dishonoring Harriet Tubman
Deepak Tripathi
The United States, Britain and the European Union
Eva Golinger
My Country, My Love: a Conversation with Gerardo and Adriana of the Cuban Five
Richard Falk
If Obama Visits Hiroshima
Vijay Prashad
Political Violence in Honduras
Paul Krane
Where Gun Control Ought to Start: Disarming the Police
David Anderson
Al Jazeera America: Goodbye to All That Jazz
Rob Hager
Platform Perversity: More From the Campaign That Can’t Strategize
Pat Williams
FDR in Montana
Dave Marsh
Every Day I Read the Book (the Best Music Books of the Last Year)
David Rosen
Job Satisfaction Under Perpetual Stagnation
John Feffer
Big Oil isn’t Going Down Without a Fight
Murray Dobbin
The Canadian / Saudi Arms Deal: More Than Meets the Eye?
Gary Engler
The Devil Capitalism
Brian Cloughley
Is Washington Preparing for War Against Russia?
Manuel E. Yepe
The Big Lies and the Small Lies
Robert Fantina
Vice Presidents, Candidates and History
Mel Gurtov
Sanctions and Defiance in North Korea
Howard Lisnoff
Still the Litmus Test of Worth
Dean Baker
Big Business and the Overtime Rule: Irrational Complaints
Ulrich Heyden
Crimea as a Paradise for High-Class Tourism?
Ramzy Baroud
Did the Arabs Betray Palestine? – A Schism between the Ruling Classes and the Wider Society
Halyna Mokrushyna
The War on Ukrainian Scientists
Joseph Natoli
Who’s the Better Neoliberal?
Ron Jacobs
The Battle at Big Brown: Joe Allen’s The Package King
Wahid Azal
Class Struggle and Westoxication in Pahlavi Iran: a Review of the Iranian Series ‘Shahrzad’
David Crisp
After All These Years, Newspapers Still Needed
Graham Peebles
Hungry and Frightened: Famine in Ethiopia 2016
Robert Koehler
Opening the Closed Political Culture
Missy Comley Beattie
Waves of Nostalgia
Thomas Knapp
The Problem with Donald Trump’s Version of “America First”
Georgina Downs
Hillsborough and Beyond: Establishment Cover Ups, Lies & Corruption
Jeffrey St. Clair
Groove on the Tracks: the Magic Left Hand of Red Garland
Ben Debney
Kush Zombies: QELD’s Hat Tip to Old School Hip Hop
Charles R. Larson
Moby Dick on Steroids?
David Yearsley
Miles Davis: Ace of Baseness
FacebookTwitterGoogle+RedditEmail