The US Geological Survey recorded a minor earthquake this morning with its epicenter near Wasilla, Alaska, the probable result of Sarah Palin opening her mail box to find the latest issue of CounterPunch magazine we sent her. A few moments later she Instagrammed this startling comment…
The lunatic Right certainly has plenty of problems. We’ve made it our business to not only expose these absurdities, but to challenge them directly. With another election cycle gaining steam, more rhetoric and vitriol will be directed at progressive issues. More hatred will be spewed at minorities, women, gays and the poor. There will be calls for more fracking and war. We won’t back down like the Democrats. We’ll continue to publish fact-based critiques and investigative reports on the shenanigans and evil of the Radical Right. Our future is in your hands. Please donate.
Yes, these are dire political times. Many who optimistically hoped for real change have spent nearly five years under the cold downpour of political reality. Here at CounterPunch we’ve always aimed to tell it like it is, without illusions or despair. That’s why so many of you have found a refuge at CounterPunch and made us your homepage. You tell us that you love CounterPunch because the quality of the writing you find here in the original articles we offer every day and because we never flinch under fire. We appreciate the support and are prepared for the fierce battles to come.
Unlike other outfits, we don’t hit you up for money every month … or even every quarter. We ask only once a year. But when we ask, we mean it.
CounterPunch’s website is supported almost entirely by subscribers to the print edition of our magazine. We aren’t on the receiving end of six-figure grants from big foundations. George Soros doesn’t have us on retainer. We don’t sell tickets on cruise liners. We don’t clog our site with deceptive corporate ads.
The continued existence of CounterPunch depends solely on the support and dedication of our readers. We know there are a lot of you. We get thousands of emails from you every day. Our website receives millions of hits and nearly 100,000 readers each day. And we don’t charge you a dime.
Please, use our brand new secure shopping cart to make a tax-deductible donation to CounterPunch today or purchase a subscription our monthly magazine and a gift sub for someone or one of our explosive books, including the ground-breaking Killing Trayvons. Show a little affection for subversion: consider an automated monthly donation. (We accept checks, credit cards, PayPal and cold-hard cash….)
To contribute by phone you can call Becky or Deva toll free at: 1-800-840-3683
Thank you for your support,
Jeffrey, Joshua, Becky, Deva, and Nathaniel
CounterPunch PO Box 228, Petrolia, CA 95558
A President Without a Party, a Party Without a President
A year ago, I attended the inauguration of Mauricio Funes as President of El Salvador, after covering the election campaign. My recent documentary Yesterday’s Enemies concludes with the dramatic narrow victory of Funes that enabled him to become president of his nation, which inspired the Salvadoran nation to believe change may at last be possible and that a new era in El Salvador’s history could be starting. I had reported on the bloody civil war in 1983 when El Salvador was a battlefield for the U.S. and the Soviet Union in the Cold War. At that time the FMLN was considered the most powerful leftist guerilla group in the America’s. Funes won the presidency skillfully, taking on the concept of change in a traditionally conservative society, but one that was tired of right wing governments incapable of transforming poverty, inequality, injustice and insecurity into something better.
Now that the June 1st anniversary of President Funes inauguration recently passed, the FMLN and Funes are changing. But many Salvadorans now feel they have a President without a party and a party in power without a President. Funes continues to face challenges from the left and right. Business and conservative sectors do not trust him. In attempting to win their confidence, Funes has reached out to conservative leaders and the financial sector. He is following policy recommendations of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. He has made many concessions and thus, the sizeable leftist wing of his FLMN feels that he has drifted the party too far to the right. Nevertheless, faced with a right-wing bloc in the National Assembly that threatens to prevent initiatives he supports from passing, Funes anticipated the inevitable split within the ARENA party. Bills that were thwarted years ago are now likely to become law. The price is to be challenged by officials within his own FMLN, but Funes has shown remarkable skills of being capable of achieving FMLN goals and he has still retained a good deal of support within his party.
In September 2009 in a speech to the United Nations, Funes asserted he is leading a government of national unity. The same month he was named the most popular president in Latin America.
Certainly Funes has moved toward the center in order to achieve his campaign promises of hope and change. His situation is similar to that of President Barack Obama, as the pluses and minuses involved here are very similar. Both took over the presidency from conservative administrations. Both presidents have constituencies in their parties, which are farther to the left on the political spectrum than their leader.
Funes’ centrist stance has enhanced his popularity and made it more likely that his government can legislate improvements in the economy and implement harsh military measures to stem the lawlessness that claims an average of 12 murder victims each day.
Funes also has distanced himself from the traditional hard line FMLN policies embraced by Vice President Sanchez Ceren. This maneuver has proved successful in the polls. Recently Ceren was in Venezuela and strongly supported Hugo Chávez and lashed out against the United States. Funes publicly rebuked him and Ceren was forced to acknowledge that only President Funes could set the course of El Salvador’s foreign policy. The FMLN hard liners have seemingly accepted the fact they cannot appeal to a majority of Salvadorans and have settled into an uneasy alliance with the popular President.
Funes’ tough stance on reversing his country’s environmental crisis has won him support on both the left and right, although is not likely to immediately help the economy. The President refused to grant mining rights for the Canadian-owned El Dorado gold mines, citing severe cyanide contamination and the use of scarce water supplies to extract the ore. Pacific Rim mining company is now suing the El Salvador government for hundreds of millions of dollars, claiming their rights under the US-Central American Free Trade agreement.
Another popular move on Funes’ part was to send 5,000 troops into the streets to combat the rising crime and murder rate. So far, however, the bold martial initiative has had little effect.
The main challenge for Funes is dealing with the nation’s serious economic crisis. The standard of living has dangerously sagged in recent years to the extent 40% of Salvadorans live in poverty. Unemployment is also in the range of that 40% at the same time fewer dollars are flowing back into the country resulting from shrinking remittances from the US. With the worldwide downturn in the economy it is unlikely El Salvador can dramatically forge ahead anytime soon.
After only one year it may be too early to assess the results of initiatives launched by Funes, but so far they have been popular and have sustained his high approval rating. Last September, his approval rating was at 84%, the highest in the 15 Latin countries surveyed.
Funes ultimately found many substantial successes throughout his first year. Some of the most important are the fact that he strengthened the country’s agricultural sector and its ability to produce its own food needs by increasing agriculture production and legalizing land possession. He also initiated an expansion of the school lunch program. In a move to bolster local economies as well as help school children, he contracted to produce 2.8 million school uniforms to be freely distributed. As a part of this same program, he also improved Public Health programs and eliminated charges in public hospitals.
In a major step to healing war wounds and promoting reconciliation, Funes made a formal apology and announced an investigation of the 1980 assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero. However, he was criticized by the right for failing to also apologize for the abuses committed by FMLN rebels during the war. The UN estimated that the FMLN was responsible for 15% of abuses while ARENA was responsible for 85%.
On the foreign relations front, Funes improved relations with the US during a state visit to Washington. Funes made a positive impression in his address to the United Nations General Assembly and has taken an active initiative to resolve South American relations, including a leadership position in resolving the post-coup problems of Honduras.
In one year it is unrealistic to expect that a new President can change a situation that El Salvador has experienced since its birth as a republic. In spite of some progress in the face of worldwide economic malaise, Funes has proved incapable of fighting crime and violence, which is presently the country’s main crisis. He has failed to effectively fight the corruption of previous regimes and has made little progress in reversing the inequalities of this society, which due to its construction of wealth and power, is more in keeping with a feudal monarchy than a democracy. For Funes, the honeymoon is over. He promised hope and change during the election campaign, and these are now very much overdue.
DON NORTH is an independent filmmaker. His latest film is Guazapa: Yesterday’s Enemies.
This article was original published by the Council on Hemispheric Affairs.