The Big Questions About Iraq

by PATRICK COCKBURN

 

Will Iraq disintegrate if the United States withdraws its combat troops?

The US and Iraq are close to agreeing a security accord under which the  US would pull its combat troops out of Iraqi cities, towns and villages on June 30, 2009 and out of Iraq by December 31, 2011. This will only happen  if a joint Iraqi-American ministerial committee agrees that security in Iraq  has improved to the point where the half million strong Iraqi security  forces can take over. Other aspects of the draft agreement show that the  government of Iraqi prime minister Nouri al-Maliki is increasingly confident  of its own military and political strength. The accord now close to being  agreed is very different from the one the US proposed as recently as  March which would simply have continued the US occupation, much as it  has been under the UN mandate which runs out at the end of the year.  The main point about the agreement, if it is implemented as expected, is  that the US will cease to be the predominant military power in Iraq from  next summer for the first time since the US-led coalition overthrew Saddam  Hussein in 2003.

Will Iraq be able to hold together as US troops depart?

Yes it will, but not because the three main Iraqi communities love each  other. The Shia are coming out the winners and this was always inevitable  once the US had decided to overthrow the predominantly Sunni regime of  Saddam Hussein. The Shia are 60 per cent of the Iraqi population and the  Sunni |Arabs and the Kurds are each about 20 per cent. Mr Maliki leads a  Shia-Kurdish government in which the most powerful element is the Shia  religious parties. The insurgency in which 4,300 US soldiers were killed and  30,000 were wounded was a rebellion of the Sunni community. This was  the war to which the world paid most attention. But there was a second  savage civil war between the Sunni and Shia which the Shia won  decisively. They now control most of the government and the army. On the  ground they hold at least three quarters of Baghdad after fierce fighting in  the capital in 2005-7. The Sunni are now too weak to set up a separate  canton. The Kurds need to remain part of Iraq, however much they may  yearn for independence, because otherwise they face invasion by Turkey.  The central government is becoming increasingly assertive against the  Kurds, particularly over the issue of who holds Kirkuk and the right to  award contracts for oil exploration and exploitation.

Does this mean that the Surge worked and the US has won in Iraq?

This is mostly propaganda. The Surge was the increase in US troop levels  by 30,000 men from February 2007 and more aggressive tactics by the US  army under the command of General David Petraeus. But even prior to this  it was clear that the Sunni community was being driven out of large parts  of Iraq, above all greater Baghdad. There was also a backlash against al  Qaida in Iraq which had overplayed its hand by declaring the Islamic State  of Iraq in late 2006. It has sought to marginalise or kill hostile Sunni tribal  leaders. It killed or mutilated anybody who failed to obey its extreme  fundamentalist Islamic beliefs. Hairdressers were shot dead for giving un- Islamic haircuts. But, above, all the Sunni could see that al-Qaida’s brutal  and bloody use of enormous vehicle born bombs against the Shia had  provoked a devastating reaction. Sunni nationalist insurgents had no  choice but to end their guerrilla war against the US and seek US support  and aid. There are now 103,000 members of al-Sahwa or the Awakening  Movement who are paid for by the US. US military fatalities are down to  only 18 so far this month. But the fall in violence is only partly to do with  the actions of the US. It is a great mistake to imagine that the US makes  all the political weather in Iraq. The main reason for the end of the Sunni  insurgency against the US forces is the defeat of the Sunni by the Shia in  the battle for Baghdad.

Is al-Qaida in Iraq finished?

It is much weaker than it was. It has lost its old bastions in Anbar province  to the west and in much of Baghdad. But it is a mistake to think that it is  wholly eliminated. The grim evidence for this is carefully planned  assassinations of Awakening Movement members, usually by suicide  bombers, that would require good intelligence and organization.  Al Qaida  clearly still has the capacity of launching massive suicide bombs against  Shia civilian targets. Crowded street markets are very difficult to protect.

Surely life in Baghdad and the rest of Iraq is getting better?

It certainly is improving but there is a misconception outside Iraq about  what this means. At the height of the Sunni-Shia sectarian conflict some  3,000 people were being murdered every month. In July this figure was  down to just over 900 according to the Iraqi Interior Ministry which is  better but scarcely a return to normal life. Baghdad is still the most  dangerous city in the world. Sunni and Shia seldom visit each other’s  districts. The best barometer for the real state of security in Iraq is the  ability of the 4.7 million refugees inside and outside the country to go  home. This is about one in six Iraqis who have lost the places in which  they used to live. Often they live in miserable conditions in Jordan, Syria or  other parts of Iraq but it is still too dangerous, despite all the talk of  conditions improving Iraq, for them to reclaim their houses.

Where does Iran stand in all this?

This is the most misunderstood element in the Iraq crisis. The present Iraqi  government had two main allies: The US and Iran. Their dispute is over  who should have influence over that government. Iran has played a crucial  role in the success of the so-called Surge. The Iraqi army fought poorly  against the militiamen of the Mehdi Army in March and April. It was Iran  that mediated a ceasefire on the Baghdad government’s terms. It was  Iran which pressured the Mehdi Army leader Muqtada al-Sadr to call his  men off the streets. A prime reason why Iraq is not going to disintegrate is  that Iran does not want it to.

So the departure of US troops from Iraq will not mean a renewed civil war?

No. The main civil war is over. The Shia won and the Sunni lost. But the  Sunni minority in Baghdad look vulnerable without American protection.  The Iraqi army is increasingly moving against the Sunni Awakening  Movement in Anbar and elsewhere.

PATRICK COCKBURN is the Ihe author of “Muqtada: Muqtada Al-Sadr, the Shia Revival, and the Struggle for Iraq.

 

 

 

 

Your Ad Here

 

 

 

 

 

Patrick Cockburn is the author of  The Rise of Islamic State: ISIS and the New Sunni Revolution.

Like What You’ve Read? Support CounterPunch
August 04, 2015
Vincent J. Roscigno
University Bureaucracy as Organized Crime
Paul Street
Bernie Sanders’ Top Five Race Problems: the Whiteness of Nominal Socialism
Herbert Dyer, Jr.
Is White Supremacy a Mental Disorder?
Ramzy Baroud
The Palestinian Bubble and the Burning of Toddler, Ali Dawabsha
Pepe Escobar
Reshuffling Eurasia’s Energy Deck — Iran, China and Pipelineistan
L. Michael Hager
The Battle Over BDS
Eric Draitser
Puerto Rico: Troubled Commonwealth or Debt Colony?
Colin Todhunter
Hypnotic Trance in Delhi: Monsanto, GMOs and the Looting of India’s Agriculture
Benjamin Willis
The New Cubanologos: What’s in a Word?
Matt Peppe
60 Minutes Provides Platform for US Military
Binoy Kampmark
The Turkish Mission: Reining in the Kurds
Eoin Higgins
Teaching Lessons of White Supremacy in Prime-Time: Blackrifice in the Post-Apocalyptic World of the CW’s The 100
Gary Corseri
Gaza: Our Child’s Shattered Face in the Mirror
Robert Dodge
The Nuclear World at 70
Paula Bach
Exit the Euro? Polemic with Greek Economist Costas Lapavitsas
August 03, 2015
Jack Dresser
The Case of Alison Weir: Two Palestinian Solidarity Organizations Borrow from Joe McCarthy’s Playbook
Joseph Mangano – Janette D. Sherman
The Atomic Era Turns 70, as Nuclear Hazards Endure
Nelson Valdes
An Internet Legend: the Pope, Fidel and the Black President
Robert Hunziker
The Perfectly Nasty Ocean Storm
Ahmad Moussa
Incinerating Palestinian Children
Greg Felton
Greece Succumbs to Imperialist Banksterism
Binoy Kampmark
Stalling the Trans-Pacific Partnership: the Failure of the Hawai’i Talks
Ted Rall
My Letter to Nick Goldberg of the LA Times
Mark Weisbrot
New Greek Bailout Increases the Possibility of Grexit
Jose Martinez
Black/Hispanic/Women: a Leadership Crisis
Victor Grossman
German Know-Nothings Today
Patrick Walker
We’re Not Sandernistas: Reinventing the Wheels of Bernie’s Bandwagon
Norman Pollack
Moral Consequences of War: America’s Hegemonic Thirst
Ralph Nader
Republicans Support Massive Tax Evasion by Starving IRS Budget
Alexander Reid Ross
Colonial Pride and the Killing of Cecil the Lion
Suhayb Ahmed
What’s Happening in Britain: Jeremy Corbyn and the Future of the Labour Party
Weekend Edition
July 31-33, 2015
Jeffrey St. Clair
Bernie and the Sandernistas: Into the Void
John Pilger
Julian Assange: the Untold Story of an Epic Struggle for Justice
Roberto J. González – David Price
Remaking the Human Terrain: The US Military’s Continuing Quest to Commandeer Culture
Lawrence Ware
Bernie Sanders’ Race Problem
Andrew Levine
The Logic of Illlogic: Narrow Self-Interest Keeps Israel’s “Existential Threats” Alive
ANDRE VLTCHEK
Kos, Bodrum, Desperate Refugees and a Dying Child
Paul Street
“That’s Politics”: the Sandernistas on the Master’s Schedule
Ted Rall
How the LAPD Conspired to Get Me Fired from the LA Times
Mike Whitney
Power-Mad Erdogan Launches War in Attempt to Become Turkey’s Supreme Leader
Ellen Brown
The Greek Coup: Liquidity as a Weapon of Coercion
Stephen Lendman
Russia Challenges America’s Orwellian NED
Will Parrish
The Politics of California’s Water System
John Wight
The Murder of Ali Saad Dawabsha, a Palestinian Infant Burned Alive by Israeli Terrorists
Jeffrey Blankfort
Leading Bibi’s Army in the War for Washington