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Corporate America's Latest CounterAttack

The Green Masquerade

by ALAN MAASS And JEFFREY ST. CLAIR


Alan Maass: The latest trend for corporations is to show off green credentials–BP has a series of commercials with a guy standing in a field talking about alternative fuels, and Rupert Murdoch is vowing to make his international operations carbon neutral. What kind of impact do corporate green solutions have on curbing global warming?

Jeffrey St. Clair: NONE. That’s the short answer. Must we really elaborate?

I remember being up in Alaska with the Inupiat, looking at Prudhoe Bay. BP wants to expand in every direction up there, into ANWR [the Alaska National Wildlife Refuge] on one side of Prudhoe Bay, and then into the Alaska Petroleum Reserve on the other side. And one of the Inupiat tribesman said to me, "They want it all."

If they can’t get into ANWR now, they’ll go into the Alaskan Petroleum Reserve and drain that. Then they’ll come back and get ANWR, and they’ll drain that. And meanwhile, they’re investing in solar and biofuels, too. They want it all.

To pretend that this green enlightenment on behalf of BP or ARCO or any of the others has to do with anything other than maximizing their profits is a serious delusion.

Oil and coal are almost free assets for corporations. They’re not going to stop coal mining and burning coal until they’re out of it–unless you regulate them out of that business. The free market is going to encourage them to dig up every last coal vein in Appalachia, using the most cost-efficient method, which is mountaintop removal.

This is the most noxious, environmentally destructive form of mining imaginable, but they’re even using a kind of global warming defense for engaging in this kind of activity–because the coal that they’re going after is low-sulfur coal or synthetic fuels or liquified coal. On and on.

Alan Maass: WHEN A company like BP talks about developing alternative fuels, is this real, or is it a PR sham?

Jeffrey St. Clair: THERE’S MOVEMENT toward alternative fuels that they can profit from.

This is nothing new. I remember talking to Enron executives back in the early 1990s, as they were making their first forays into Oregon and California, and they were saying that they were the good guys–that they were going to combat global warming and reduce toxic emissions, because they were promoting natural gas instead of nukes or coal-fired power plants.

What they saw were tremendous opportunities for profit. That’s what motivates them.

In BP’s case, it’s not a matter of developing biofuels at the expense of extracting oil from the north slope of Alaska. It’s developing biofuels and extracting oil. For the other integrated companies, it’s strip mines, oil, gas, biofuels and nukes–the whole gamut.

There’s another aspect of this, which is that biofuels are providing a new excuse for genetically engineered crops.

So you have Third World countries where there’s indigenous resistance to Monsanto’s saturation bombing of Frankenfoods–whether it’s cotton, corn, soybeans. There’s been resistance–in some cases, relatively successful.

But now, the new excuse for genetically engineered crops is to save the world from global warming. So we’ve seen deals struck with Lula’s government in Brazil and elsewhere.

This isn’t just a back-door way to force GM crops down the Third World’s throat. If you look in the U.S. at ethanol and other biofuels, which are promoted as the salvation of Iowa, Nebraska and Kansas, they’re essentially running on topsoil. These are not sustainable solutions to these problems.

Alan Maass: AMONG A number of politicians, including Democrats, the concerns about global warming seem to have become an excuse for talk about resurrecting nuclear power.

Jeffrey St. Clair: THAT COMES out of the Gore shop. Anyone who has the slightest familiarity with Gore’s political biography will know that he’s his father’s son, and his father was one of the prime movers behind the Tennessee Valley Authority, behind nuclear power in Appalachia, and the Oak Ridge nuclear lab. Gore Junior was their congressional protector as a congressman and as a senator.

If you go back to Gore’s book, Earth in the Balance, behind the scenes of that book is a cooling tower. That’s Gore’s solution to the global warming crisis–a world that is clotted with nuclear power plants. If you look at his advisers on global warming while he was vice president, that was their message, too.

Those had been lean times for the nuclear power industry. I think that the Clinton administration could have sealed the nuclear power industry’s fate in the U.S. if it had wanted to. But of course, it didn’t. They sort of kept them on life support, with a lot of research funding and renewing all the protections.

So is there a renewed faith in nuclear power from the Democrats? Yes. And they now have a justification for it. If you scare yourself into believing that we’re going to be having a runaway greenhouse effect, and the only way to stop it is to take immediate action in reducing the burning of fossil fuels, then you’re going to be confronted with the argument that a proliferation of nuclear power plants is the fastest way to do that.

Alan Maass: WITH GORE, it’s also a question of who gets the blame for global warming.

Jeffrey St. Clair: IT’S ALL about personal responsibilit with Gores, whether its rap music or toxic waste. It’s like listening to Jerry Falwell or Dr. Laura. There’s no critique of capitalism, there’s no political critique, there’s no critique of large corporations. Call it guilt trip politics.

There never has been. Earth in the Balance wasn’t a critique. Back then, in the late 1980s, Gore was already talking about this as the dividing moral issue of our time. But there was never a critique of the transgressors–except the individual responsibility of the American consumer of electrical power and gasoline.

Alan Maass: CAN YOU talk about the attitude of the environmental movement toward this corporate greenwashing?

Jeffrey St. Clair: THE ENVIRONMENTAL movement made its deal with the devil at least a decade ago, when they essentially became neoliberal lobby shops. The idea was that if we can’t defeat capitalism, if we can’t change capitalism, then let’s just give in and see if we can use some of the mechanics of the free market in order to tweak the damage done to the environment.

These kinds of seeds were sown in green groups in the early 1980s, but really reached an apogee in Clinton Times.

I don’t even think the term greenwashing even applies any more. That was the industry response to the great environmental tragedies of the 1970s, and ’80s–Love Canal, Three Mile Island, Bhopal, the Exxon Valdez. But they don’t have to do that any more, because essentially, corporations like BP and environmental groups like the World Wildlife Fund and the Environmental Defense Fund share the same basic mindset.

You can’t distinguish between, for example, Ikea, one of the world’s great predators of rain forests, and the World Wildlife Fund, which is in a joint venture with Ikea–so Ikea gets a little panda stamp on the lumber cut from primary forests in Indonesia. So greenwashing seems to me to be very passé.

Environmental politics are largely controlled by the foundations–they control what’s discussed and what the major issues are. The foundations are shackled at the hip to the Democratic Party, and the dominant ones are all children of big oil companies. Pew, the Rockefeller Family Fund, W. Alton Jones–their endowments were the fortunes of big oil.

I was talking to an environmentalist who said that if you want a grant from any of those foundations, you have to have global warming in your agenda.

Now, let’s say you’re working on fighting chemical companies in Cancer Alley. How do you work global warming into your agenda? Or if you’re fighting factory trawlers, which are creating dead zones off the Pacific coast, how do you work global warming into that? But if you can’t, then the money dries up.

What it creates is a kind of inchoate state of environmental politics, because I don’t think you can build a mass political movement around global warming.

This is one of the ways where Alex Cockburn and I differ. Alex doesn’t believe that humans can affect the environment. I know we can screw things up royally–I just don’t think we can fix it.

In some ways, to me, global warming ought to be a kind of liberating experience. Yes, this is bad, but you really can’t build a movement to fight it or correct it, so let’s go fight things that we can defeat–whether it’s strip mines, or the mismanagement of the Colorado River, or the Bush administration removing the grizzly bear in Yellowstone from listing under the Endangered Species Act.

Those are battles that you can fight and win. But if you’re cowering under the shadow of global warming, then you’re not going to be able to wage those battles successfully.

I think that’s one of the many reasons why the environmental movement is as impotent as the antiwar movement. It’s shackled to a political party that has no vision, no spine and no guts. And it’s economically dependent on a tiny network of foundations that it allows to control its political agenda.

These foundations frown on any kind of militancy even when the moment demands militancy. If you take their money, and they expect you to dance to their tune.

See Jeffrey St. Clair, speaking on "Hot Climate, Cold Cash: Making a Killing from Global Warming," at Socialism 2007, June 14-17 in Chicago. See the Socialism 2007 Web site for more information.

Alan Maass is the editor of the Socialist Worker and author of The Case for Socialism. He can be reached at: alanmaass@sbcglobal.net

Jeffrey St. Clair is the author of Been Brown So Long It Looked Like Green to Me: the Politics of Nature and Grand Theft Pentagon. His newest book is End Times: the Death of the Fourth Estate, co-written with Alexander Cockburn. He can be reached at: sitka@comcast.net