Annual Fundraising Appeal
Over the course of 21 years, we’ve published many unflattering stories about Henry Kissinger. We’ve recounted his involvement in the Chilean coup and the illegal bombings of Cambodia and Laos; his hidden role in the Kent State massacre and the genocide in East Timor; his noxious influence peddling in DC and craven work for dictators and repressive regimes around the world. We’ve questioned his ethics, his morals and his intelligence. We’ve called for him to be arrested and tried for war crimes. But nothing we’ve ever published pissed off HK quite like this sequence of photos taken at a conference in Brazil, which appeared in one of the early print editions of CounterPunch.
100716HenryKissingerNosePicking
The publication of those photos, and the story that went with them, 20 years ago earned CounterPunch a global audience in the pre-web days and helped make our reputation as a fearless journal willing to take the fight to the forces of darkness without flinching. Now our future is entirely in your hands. Please donate.

Day11

Yes, these are dire political times. Many who optimistically hoped for real change have spent nearly five years under the cold downpour of political reality. Here at CounterPunch we’ve always aimed to tell it like it is, without illusions or despair. That’s why so many of you have found a refuge at CounterPunch and made us your homepage. You tell us that you love CounterPunch because the quality of the writing you find here in the original articles we offer every day and because we never flinch under fire. We appreciate the support and are prepared for the fierce battles to come.

Unlike other outfits, we don’t hit you up for money every month … or even every quarter. We ask only once a year. But when we ask, we mean it.

CounterPunch’s website is supported almost entirely by subscribers to the print edition of our magazine. We aren’t on the receiving end of six-figure grants from big foundations. George Soros doesn’t have us on retainer. We don’t sell tickets on cruise liners. We don’t clog our site with deceptive corporate ads.

The continued existence of CounterPunch depends solely on the support and dedication of our readers. We know there are a lot of you. We get thousands of emails from you every day. Our website receives millions of hits and nearly 100,000 readers each day. And we don’t charge you a dime.

Please, use our brand new secure shopping cart to make a tax-deductible donation to CounterPunch today or purchase a subscription our monthly magazine and a gift sub for someone or one of our explosive  books, including the ground-breaking Killing Trayvons. Show a little affection for subversion: consider an automated monthly donation. (We accept checks, credit cards, PayPal and cold-hard cash….)
cp-store

or use
pp1

To contribute by phone you can call Becky or Deva toll free at: 1-800-840-3683

Thank you for your support,

Jeffrey, Joshua, Becky, Deva, and Nathaniel

CounterPunch
 PO Box 228, Petrolia, CA 95558

Another World is Possible, and Necessary

"Lula is One of Us"

by MARK WEISBROT

PORTO ALEGRE. “I will tell the people at Davos that the world does not need war, the world needs peace and understanding,” said President Lula da Silva to a cheering crowd of tens of thousands in this sunny port city in Southeastern Brazil. If there is one theme that unified this year’s World Social Forum — and captures the irrationality and destructiveness of letting a handful of people determine so much of the world’s fate — it is opposition to the looming war against Iraq.

The World Social Forum began three years ago — under the slogan, “Another World is Possible” — as an alternative to the World Economic Forum, an exclusive gathering of the rich and powerful held at the same time at the mountain resort of Davos, Switzerland.

The WSF has grown enormously, attracting more than 100,000 participants to Porto Alegre for this year’s series of events. And among the delegates from 126 countries, the largest contingent outside of Brazil this year is — to the surprise of many — from the United States.

This, too, is related to the war. While Secretary of State Colin Powell works the crowd in Davos in an attempt to bully and bribe other governments into going along (e.g. a giant $16 billion IMF loan and $4 billion grant to the government of Turkey, where 90 percent of the people oppose the war) the sizeable American anti-war movement has also reached out to their counterparts around the world.

It is a sad testimony to the state of American democracy that we need the help of other countries to stop our President from getting our own people killed — along with thousands or tens of thousands of innocent civilians — in a war that most Americans don’t want.

But the war is not the only issue here that brings people throughout the world together against American-led policies that cause so much harm throughout the world. The largest number of delegates are from Latin America, where the profound failure of the policies known here as “neo-liberalism” has become painfully obvious. The last 20 years have seen the region’s worst performance in more than a century, with income per person hardly growing at all. The US recipe of substituting the indiscriminate opening of trade and financial flows for what used to be development policy, along with punishingly high interest rates and budget austerity, has failed miserably even on its own terms.

The rejection of the “Washington Consensus,” often imposed on Latin America by US-controlled institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank, is what brought Brazil’s President Lula da Silva to power last October. And so he is an appropriate symbol of the growing importance of the WSF and its ideas, relative to its elite counterpart in Davos. Last year Lula was also welcomed enthusiastically by the crowds here, as a genuine working-class hero who everyone loved but few thought would actually win. Now he is president of the second largest country in the Americas.

But he still has to deal with the unelected “Masters of the Universe” as the London Financial Times dubbed the leaders gathered at Davos, where Lula also spoke. Chief among these masters is the IMF, which has a program for Brazil’s government that is literally impossible. The previous government piled up an enormous public debt: it swelled from 29 percent to more than 65 percent of GDP during former President Cardoso’s eight years of office. With domestic interest rates at 25.5 percent (as compared to our own Federal Reserve’s 1.25 percent), this debt burden is not sustainable.

Brazil will have to either lower its interest rates considerably or renegotiate its debt, but the IMF and the financial markets are against both of these options. Instead they hope to keep squeezing ever larger debt payments out of the government budget. This cannot be sustained, and for as long as these policies are pursued it will be very difficult for the government to restore economic growth or deliver on its other promises to end hunger and help the poor. A confrontation is inevitable.

“I was not elected by the financial markets, and I was not elected by the powerful economic interests . . . I was elected through the high level of consciousness of Brazilian society,” Lula told the crowd in Porto Alegre.

The people here seem to agree. A banner at one of the big marches here said “Give it up, Davos: Lula is one of us.”

MARK WEISBROT is Co-Director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, in Washington D.C. and the co-author of Social Security: the Phony Crisis.